The Middle Eastern Alawite-Shiite Axis: Initial Signs and Implications.

The process of disintegration taking place in Syria is accelerating social and political processes. The blood-soaked rebellion against the Alawite central regime and its partners is deepening old rifts in Syrian society and creating new ones, while the Alawaite (Syrian) and Shiite (Hezbollah and Iran) alliance is taking a new form.
It seems that it is possible to notice part of the new reality that will be met not long from now through the fog of the combat. The Syrian rebellion is close to its goal – ending 40 years in which the Alawite minority ruled the country. The results of the rebellion thus far have been regime chaos alongside the formulation of new loyalties. The contours of the new loyalties are primarily religious-ethnic, and rely on populations in defined geographical concentrations – Kurds, Sunnis, Alawites and Druze.
For example, the Druze currently face genuine distress. The alliance with the Alawites is about to lose its meaning, and they must find a way to the next elements that will rule in Syria. The process is still underway. It is possible that several instances of ethnic cleansing will take place before the internal borders are established, primarily between Sunni and Alawite populations, in the coastal regions (Latakia, Tartus) and central Syria (Homs, Hama), accompanied by harsh massacre photos. Their goal will be to stabilize the core regions of each of the sides.
The Alliance Strengthens
The rebellion has strengthened the Alawite-Shiite alliance. If the Alawites supported Hezbollah and aided in its formulation in the past, now the Shiites are coming towards the Alawites, backed with Iranian support. This alliance is preparing itself for the day after the rebellion. While it is not discussed openly, the reality being formed points to this direction. The Shiite-Alawite connection will rely on territorial continuity from south Lebanon, through the Lebanon Valley and the Syrian coast, up to the border with Turkey.
Military assets such as military units and strategic weapons will be transferred towards this region. The transfer of advanced weapons from Syria to Lebanon must be explained as part of this readiness, and it must not be thought that Assad will share assets with Hezbollah as a philanthropist during his period of distress. Assad also does not view himself as committing suicide, certainly not the Alawite power elements in the military and the Alawite community. Such transfer of weapons must therefore be understood as an interim process for preserving strategic capabilities for future use by the Alawite-Shiite axis.
The Russian bases in the coastal regions pose an interesting matter. Will they continue to exist in their current form, and transfer loyalty from the next central regime in Damascus to the Alawite entity along the coast? Such a possibility exists, since the primary Russian interest is the existence of a presence along the coasts of the Middle East.
All these, along with the fact that the notion of the independent Syria has suffered a strong blow, have a direct effect on Israel’s geo-strategic situation. This is where many trends continue, each of which are of importance to Israel’s national security.
The residues of hostility and acts of vendetta will accompany Syrian society for many more years, and will influence the agendas of the new leaderships that will arise. The Syrian military may fall apart, with the Alawite elite units transferring to the Alawite region. Hezbollah and the Iranian threat will survive the fall of the Damascus regime and will continue to threaten Israel from the north. The Druze in Syria, currently part of the Alawite coalition, will be forced to seek new partners within and beyond Syria.
At the same time, Turkey and Israel will have a common opponent that will force them to converse, either directly or with US mediation, and Russia’s presence in Syria and the Russian interests in the Middle East will apparently be preserved.
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Brig. Gen (Res.) Hanan Gefen served in Israeli intelligence for many years. His last role was as commander of IDF Unit 8200.








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