Archive for February 1, 2013

Israel’s strike on Syria as a dress rehearsal for conflict with Iran

February 1, 2013

Israel’s strike on Syria as a dress rehearsal for conflict with Iran.

 

By Max Fisher , Updated: January 31, 2013

The Israel-Iran standoff, in which Israel has long signaled its willingness to strike suspected Iranian nuclear sites if they come too close to producing a weapon, got a sort of very-small-scale dress rehearsal on Wednesday. The Israeli air force attacked a target inside Syria, Tehran’s closest ally, which set off the expected condemnations (from Syria, Iran, Russia and the Lebanese militant group Hezbollah) and fears of reprisal.

Both Israel and Iran will likely be observing the fallout from the attack closely, trying to determine what it might say about how an Israeli attack on Iranian nuclear facilities would play out in the region. It’s too early to say what, if anything, they could learn. But the possibility that they might extrapolate lessons about a potential Israel-Iran conflict gives added significance – and added risk – to every action and reaction in the coming hours and days.

Because Israel can’t know for sure how Tehran and regional leaders would respond to a strike on Iran, its perceptions of their likely reactions could play a big role in determining whether or when it actually attacks. Tehran, for its part, is likely to pace its nuclear program in part based on what it believes it can get away with before prompting an Israeli or U.S. strike. Israel’s attack in Syria, then, could be an opportunity for both Israel and Iran to test the other’s will and to see whether they’re able to change the risk-reward calculus.

As Iran has continued to grow its nuclear program, Israel – and the United States – have warned Tehran against taking what they see as steps toward a nuclear weapon. Iran insists its program is peaceful and a national right; Israel says the world must declare a “red line” beyond which the facilities will no longer be tolerated. Their positions are untenably contradictory, and both countries appear to be preparing for the possibility of a conflict, which would presumably begin with an Israeli and/or U.S. airstrike on Iranian facilities. Meanwhile, Iran appears to be doing what it can to continue or even accelerate the program, and Israel what it can to slow it, though both have been careful to avoid open war.

A sort of psychological conflict has developed between Israel and Iran, a war of signals. Tehran wants to demonstrate to Israel that a strike would be too costly and too ineffective to be worthwhile — for example, because of a hypothetical counterattack from the Lebanon-based militant group Hezbollah and the Gaza-based Hamas. Israel wants to demonstrate that its will – and its defenses – are unshakable, so Iran might as well just give up on the program now.

The Israeli strike on Syria could allow both Israel and Iran an opportunity to reiterate those points, even if only through rhetorical or implicit threats, to shape the other’s thinking. Is Israel bluffing about a unilateral strike on Iran, or would it really go ahead on its own? How much is Iran willing to risk for its nuclear program? In the event of a strike, would Iran throw all its weight into a counterattack or would it recognize the futility of all-out conflict?

It’s been a long and complex game of threats, counter-threats and, yes, possibly bluffs. But that only adds to the interest that each side has in, first, proving to the other that it will follow through on its threats and, second, sussing out whether or not its opponent is bluffing. And that’s why each will probably be watching the other so carefully for its response to the strike against Syria. Each has an interest in using this as an opportunity to deter the other by behaving as toughly as possible.

But that’s where it gets really complicated. A big part of the Israel-Iran dance has been about avoiding all-out conflict. Some of the dangers that have likely kept Israel and Iran from actually seeing through their threats so far – the risk of unwanted escalation, of civilian casualties, of a costly fight that would ultimately strengthen hard-liners in one another’s capitals – are also present in the Syria strike. Just as both sides have an interest in flexing their muscles to deter the other, so, too, are they careful about not needlessly provoking the other to violence.

The difference between Wednesday’s strike and a hypothetical attack on Iranian nuclear sites would, of course, be substantial. Israeli jets would have much farther to go, probably requiring the support or at least acquiescence of the states they would have to fly over, such as Saudi Arabia. The operation would also have to be much larger in scale, given the number of targets, their size and the fact that they are believed to be under hardened facilities. And the standoff over Iran’s nuclear efforts has become so fraught, layered by the game theory of nuclear deterrence and by years of regional and global politics, that the calculus behind an Israeli cross-border strike on a Syrian military target would be far more straightforward.

In the end, perhaps Israel and Iran will both be too worried about unnecessary escalation to do much more than make threats. With Hezbollah’s forces spread unusually thin by the Syrian civil war and  Hamas, in the Gaza Strip, possibly still recovering from its recent conflict with Israel, Iran’s proxies are not at their strongest. And Israel, for its part, would doubtless prefer that Syria’s conflict – and particularly any chemical weapons that the military might hold – stay in Syria. Still, it will be hard for the Middle East’s leaders to avoid seeing parallels between Wednesday’s strike and the possible Israeli strike on Iran that they have been anticipating now for years.

The Unlikely Optimist

February 1, 2013

chovlim-resting'

The Islamic world is currently self-destructing through internecine conflict pretty much everywhere. Iran managed to hold back the greens last time, but after the “Arab Spring” how much longer can they hold on?

Remember the Iran/Iraq war? The US flowed arms to which ever side was losing at the time and managed to keep our two worst opponents in the region busy destroying their military capabilities for eight years!

Whether intended or not, Obama’s “isolationism” seems to be having a similar effect.

In contradistinction to the “woe is us” media stories, I’m quite happy with whats happening both in Egypt and in Syria.

I hope the Iranians become even more deeply involved in Syria. It’s a “tar baby” special that will bleed them of men and resources until they finally are forced to leave, either because of defeat there or a collapse of the regime in Teheran.

– JW

Israel may feel need to strike Syria again

February 1, 2013

News from The Associated Press.

BEIRUT (AP) — An Israeli air attack staged in Syria this week may be a sign of things to come.

Israeli military officials appear to have concluded that the risks of attacking Syria are worth taking when compared to the dangers of allowing sophisticated weapons to reach Hezbollah guerrillas in neighboring Lebanon.

With Syrian President Bashar Assad’s grip on power weakening, Israeli officials fear he could soon lose control over his substantial arsenal of chemical and advanced weapons, which could slip into the hands of Hezbollah or other hostile groups. These concerns, combined with Hezbollah’s own domestic problems, mean further military action could be likely.

Tzachi Hanegbi, an incoming lawmaker in Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s Likud Party and a former chairman of parliament’s influential foreign affairs and defense committee, signaled Thursday that Israel could be compelled to act on its own. While Israel’s preference is for Western powers to gain control over Syria’s arms stockpile, he said there are no signs of that happening.

“Israel finds itself, like it has many times in the past, facing a dilemma that only it knows how to respond to. And it could well be that we will reach a stage where we will have to make decisions,” Hanegbi told Israel’s Army Radio Thursday. Hanegbi, like other Israeli officials, would not confirm Israeli involvement in the airstrike.

In this week’s incident, Israeli warplanes conducted a rare airstrike inside Syria, according to U.S. officials who said the target was a convoy carrying anti-aircraft weapons bound for Hezbollah, the powerful Lebanese militant group allied with Syria and Iran.

The Syrian military has denied the existence of any weapons shipment and said a military research facility outside Damascus was hit.

On Thursday, Syria threatened to retaliate, while Hezbollah condemned the attack as “barbaric aggression.” Iran, which supplies arms to Syria, Hezbollah and the Hamas militant group in Gaza, said the airstrike would have significant implications for Israel. Syrian ally Russia said it appeared to be an unprovoked attack on a sovereign nation.

Syria’s ambassador to Lebanon, Ali Abdul-Karim Ali, said Damascus “has the option and the capacity to surprise in retaliation.” He told Hezbollah’s al-Ahd news website that it was up to the relevant authorities to choose the time and place.

For now, Israeli officials seem to be playing down the threats.

“Israel took a big gamble out of the belief that Iran and Hezbollah won’t retaliate. The question is, `Are they right or not?'” said Moshe Maoz, a professor emeritus at Hebrew University who specializes in Syria.

Officials believe that Assad’s position in Syria is so precarious that he cannot risk opening a new front with Israel. With an estimated 60,000 Syrians killed in the civil war, Israeli officials also think it’s too late for Assad to rally his bitterly divided nation behind him.

“Syria is in such a bad state right now that an Israeli retaliation to a Syrian action would be harsh and could topple the regime. Therefore Syria is not responding,” Maoz said.

Israel is far more worried about the threat of sophisticated weapons reaching Hezbollah. In a monthlong 2006 war, Hezbollah fired some 4,000 rockets and missiles into Israel before the conflict ended in a stalemate. Israeli officials believe the guerrilla group has restocked its arsenal with tens of thousands of missiles, some capable of striking deep inside the Jewish state.

Resigned to this fact, Israel has set a number of “red lines” for Hezbollah that it says are unacceptable, in particular the acquisition of new weapons that it believes would change the balance of power in the region. These include chemical weapons and sophisticated anti-aircraft and surface-to-sea missiles.

This week’s airstrike targeted trucks containing Russian-made SA-17 anti-aircraft missiles, according to a U.S. official. The trucks were next to the military research facility identified by the Syrians, and the strike hit both the trucks and the facility, said the official, who spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to speak about the operation.

If the SA-17s were to have reached Hezbollah, they would have greatly inhibited the Israeli air force’s ability to operate in Lebanon. Israel has frequently flown sorties over Lebanese skies since 2006.

The airstrike is part of an Israeli strategy known to military planners as “the policy of prevention,” or the “war between wars.” In recent years, Israel is believed to have launched a number of covert missions, including airstrikes in Sudan and assassinations of key Hezbollah and Hamas militants, aimed at disrupting the flow of weapons to its Iranian-backed enemies. Israel has never acknowledged involvement.

Israeli security officials believe that Hezbollah, despite its claims of victory, is still deterred by the experience of the 2006 war, in which it lost hundreds of fighters. Instead of a direct war, Israel fears Hezbollah might try to strike Israeli or Jewish targets around the world. Israel has accused Hezbollah of a string of attacks on Israeli targets in recent years, including a deadly attack on Israeli tourists in Bulgaria last July.

The Israeli airstrike comes at a particularly sensitive and vulnerable time for Hezbollah in Lebanon. Despite its formidable weapons arsenal and political clout in the country, the group’s credibility and maneuvering space has been significantly reduced in the past few years.

Hezbollah still suffers from the fallout of the 2006 war, which many in Lebanon accused it of provoking by kidnapping soldiers from the border area. Since then, the group has come under increasing pressure at home to disarm, leading to sectarian tensions between its Shiite supporters and Sunnis from the opposing camp that have often spilled into deadly street fighting.

When Hezbollah sent an Iranian-made reconnaissance drone over Israel in November, the group boasted of its capabilities – but critics in Lebanon slammed it for embarking on a unilateral adventure that could provoke Israel.

Despite persistent reports and accusations that Hezbollah members are fighting alongside the military in Syria, Hezbollah has largely approached the Syria conflict with caution, mindful that any action it takes could backfire.

“In different times, Hezbollah would have reacted to Israel’s surgical strike, but not today,” said Bilal Saab, director of the Institute for Near East and Gulf Military Analysis, North America. “This is a time for hunkering down and weathering the storm.”

The uprising in Syria, the main transit point of weapons brought from Iran to Hezbollah, presents the group with its toughest challenge since its inception in 1982.

The group could still get weapons, but would struggle to get them as easily without the Syria supply route. Hezbollah leader Sheik Hassan Nasrallah’s public support for the Assad regime has proved costly and the group’s reputation has taken a severe beating. Former champions of the group now describe it as hypocritical for supporting Arab Spring uprisings in Tunisia, Libya and Egypt, but not in Syria.

As for Israel and Syria, although they are bitter enemies, they have avoided direct conflict for most of the past 40 years. Israel has been careful to stay out of Syria’s civil war, not wanting to be seen as supporting any side in the conflict.

While the attack overnight Tuesday, believed to be the first by Israel on Syrian soil since 2007, appeared to come out of nowhere, signs of impending action were evident in recent days.

On Jan. 23, the day after national elections, Netanyahu convened top security officials for an emergency meeting to discuss the situation in Syria.

One of the meeting participants, Vice Premier Silvan Shalom, warned this week that Israel could be forced to carry out a pre-emptive attack under certain circumstances. The same day, Israel suddenly moved a new, state-of-the-art rocket-defense system to the northern city of Haifa, which was hit hard by Hezbollah rocket fire during a 2006 war.

Uzi Rabi, a military analyst at Tel Aviv University’s Dayan Center, said the attack was a “kind of message” sent by Israel to Syria and Hezbollah.

“It says we do have capabilities when it comes to intelligence gathering … and this would serve as kind of a warning sign to Hezbollah not to transfer chemical weaponry from Syria to Hezbollah,” he said.

Hezbollah doesn’t want war with Israel if Syria is weakened

February 1, 2013

Hezbollah doesn’t want war with Israel if Syria is weakened – Israel News | Haaretz Daily Newspaper.

It seems that Hezbollah, which has still not responded to the attack, is not interested in opening a front against Israel out of fear of a massive Israeli retaliation, without getting Syrian aid.

 

By | Jan.31, 2013 | 8:13 AM | 3

 

 

A masked Free Syrian Army fighter stands in front of a burning barricade during heavy fighting

A masked Free Syrian Army fighter stands in front of a burning barricade during heavy fighting in the Ain Tarma neighbourhood of Damascus January 30, 2013. Photo by Reuters

 

While Lebanon insists that Israeli planes may have overflown the country on Wednesday four times, they still ardently deny that an attack took place in its territory. And the Syrian media took a long time to relate the event at all. In the evening, Syrian television finally reported that Israeli planes had attacked a research center in a move that it said was designed “to strengthen the opposition” in Jamraya in the Damascus area. Syrian television went on to say that this was proof of cooperation between Syrian terrorists and Israel, but denied that Israeli planes had attacked a convoy moving from Syria to Lebanon.

 

The website of the Syrian opposition has details and even a map showing that the attack was on a missile convoy on its way from the Yafour complex near the border with Lebanon, near the base of the Iranian Revolutionary Guards. The official Syrian response, however, which ignored the bombing of the convoy and which denied any attack in Lebanon, may be evidence of the huge difficulties the Syrian regime is facing. According to reports from Lebanon, the Syrians didn’t even fire at the Israeli planes.

 

About a year ago, there was a widespread sense that Hezbollah and Syria could open a new front against Israel to deflect world attention from what was going on inside Syria, and perhaps to recruit rebels to a joint national battle. Now it appears that even the Israeli strike in Syria would not bring about a change in the opposition’s position toward the Assad regime.

 

The location of the attack is not clear. One assessment from Lebanon is that the convoy that was attacked included long-range missiles as well as anti-aircraft missiles − all belonging to Hezbollah. These missiles were given to the Syrians for safekeeping so that Israel would not attack them inside Lebanon. As the Syrian regime lost control, Hezbollah decided to return the missiles to Lebanese territory to prevent them from falling into rebel hands. It seems that Hezbollah, which has still not responded to the attack, is not interested in opening a front against Israel out of fear of a massive Israeli retaliation, without getting Syrian aid. This is the reason for the “quiet” and the Lebanese denial that the attack took place within Lebanese territory − if it indeed took place there. As for Syria, even if the attack took place within its territory, the Assad regime will find it difficult to open a new front against Israel.

 

Until now Israel has avoided becoming involved in events in Syria. But if indeed an attack took place Wednesday it could hint to other countries, like Turkey and the United States, that a military attack on Syria to topple the regime may be an option. It is interesting that Russia, which fiercely objects to military intervention in Syria, has also yet to respond to the attack. Russia’s response, if one comes, could hint to Assad and also other nations, the extent to which Moscow is willing to tolerate a military attack on Syria.

 

Despite Wednesday’s attack, if such an attack took place, it seems the efforts to move weapons from Syria to Lebanon will continue, and may well drag Israel deeper and deeper into the Syrian campaign. Additional Israeli attacks will put the policy of Western nations to a test. The dilemma is that if Israel is allowed to strike Syria or Lebanon to prevent the transfer of weapons, and if Western nations have already agreed that any use of chemical weapons will be met with a military response, then why not attack Syria to save thousands of people and bring down the Assad regime?

Why did Israel attack Syria now, and why did the Syrians admit it?

February 1, 2013

Why did Israel attack Syria now, and why did the Syrians admit it? Israel News | Haaretz Daily Newspaper.

The alleged Israeli attack came one day after an Iranian announcement that Tehran will view any attack on Syrian territory as an attack against Iran itself.

By | Feb.01, 2013 | 2:53 AM | 8

Approximate path of alleged Israeli strike on Syria’s border with Lebanon, Jan. 30, 2013, according to foreign reports.

Two days before the night when Israeli planes attacked a weapons convoy or “Scientific Research Center” in Syria – according to reports in the foreign press – Iran sent Israel an explicit warning message. Tehran, said the Iranian announcement, will view any attack on Syrian territory as an attack against Iran itself.

The warning came immediately after a wave of reports in the Israeli media about heightened tensions on the northern border; and along with remarks by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu at a cabinet meeting in which he directly addresses the fears that advanced Syrian weaponry would slip into the hands of others.

Now after the reported attack in Syria, the Iranians have repeated their warnings strongly. Iran’s Foreign Minister Ali Akbar Salehi condemned the airstrike on state television, criticizing the “Zionist regime” for a clear violation of Syria’s sovereignty. The semi-official Fars news agency quoted Deputy Foreign Minister Hossein Amir-Abdollahian as saying the raid on Syria would have significant implications for Tel Aviv.

Israel has been agonizing for years over the question of whether or not to attack Iranian nuclear facilities. So why did Israel this time – once again based on foreign sources – decide to take a risk and act inside Syria despite the clear warning from Iran (if it did, of course )? It can be assumed that there were urgent operational reasons, such as the need to prevent specific weapons from being transferred from Syria to Hezbollah. It also seems that Israel is not particularly impressed by Iranian threats.

The combination of strategic circumstances in the region at the moment makes the chance of a direct Iranian response unlikely. A Syrian military response seems even less likely, though neither possibility can be ruled out.

The most worrying unknown since Tuesday night concerns Hezbollah’s reaction. The electronic media is filled with commentators talking about the Shi’ite organization’s internal distress, as its declared support for President Bashar Assad in the Syrian civil war has brought down on Hezbollah the fury of all the other groups in Lebanese society. But Hezbollah is a sophisticated enemy operating in a tough environment. Complete restraint over the long term to Israel’s actions could be considered weakness by Hezbollah, so we should expect some form of response, even if not immediately and not necessarily a broad rocket and missile attack on Israel.

In the past year Hezbollah has acted at least three times against Israel: Firing Katyusha rockets at the Galilee – an act that was originally credited to a Sunni organization – blowing up a bus of Israeli tourists in Burgas, Bulgaria and launching a pilotless aircraft that entered Israeli airspace over the Negev. In the first two cases Hezbollah declined to take responsibility for its operations, but in the third case of the UAV Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah took pride – even if the Lebanese only provided the logistical and operational framework for the public relations operation, while behind the operation stood Iranian experts.

Hezbollah’s actions point to the use of a wide range of methods and capabilities, all under a single strategy: Extracting a price from Israel, whether real or in terms of public relations, without crossing the line that would force the IDF to counterattack – which would extract an even more serious price from Lebanon.

But a different Hezbollah operation is even more worrying, even though it has mostly been forgotten. In August 2012 it was revealed that the police and Shin Bet security service had arrested 14 Israeli Arabs suspected of smuggling 24 explosive devices from Lebanon into Israel via the village of Ghajar. The devices used standard C-4 explosives, which is much more powerful than the improvised explosives used by Palestinians in the terror attacks of the second intifada. What these explosives were meant for and who was supposed to collect them from their hiding place in Nazareth has never been revealed.

It is possible that Hezbollah is preparing “sleeper cells” of Palestinians from the West Bank who are waiting for instructions to act – and it is possible the organization has succeeded in smuggling in other explosives that have not been uncovered.

The Syrian announcement on Wednesday evening somewhat surprised Israeli officials. After almost a full day of the Syrian regime’s ignoring and denying the attack, it confirmed that a “scientific research center” north of Damascus had been attacked. Even more surprising than the announcement itself, an exceptional step compared to the previous Syrian policy concerning Israel, were the details. The wording of the Syrian announcement along with the geographic location pointed to a site well-known to Western intelligence organizations: One of Syria’s centers for the manufacture of nonconventional weapons.

Damascus released information that it generally prefers to keep secret. Moreover, as opposed to previous attacks ascribed to Israel and which both sides kept quiet about, this time it seems the Assad regime was willing to publicly expose the damage to its national honor.

Why did the Syrians choose to abandon the chance to deny that Israel allowed them? This time it seems they want to exploit the attack for their own purposes. The announcement yesterday said the bombing was proof that Israel is behind the opposition groups fighting the government.

This, of course, is a big lie, but in Assad’s condition he needs all the diplomatic ammunition he can get. The Syrian dictator can no longer win the favor of the Arab world after a civil war in which over 50,000 of his people have been killed. But it is possible he is hoping to rally support, even the most minimal, from his new position as the victim of a Zionist plot.

Israel will be similarly blamed by Syria many more times – as well as such condemnation from the Arab world, even if only for show – if another attack on Syria occurs.

There is a contradiction between the media reports on the attack in Syria and the Syrians’ own admission. The news agencies said Israel attacked a convoy of SA-17 anti-aircraft missile batteries near the Lebanese border. Even if Israel knows the truth, it is not volunteering information to clear up the confusion. But despite the distance of dozens of kilometers between the two locations, both are at the center of interest for Western intelligence organizations: This is exactly the area the Syrians used for years to hide problematic weapons, and was also used as a base for smuggling weapons into Lebanon.

It seems we are at the beginning of the story – and not the end.

What is the Attacked Syrian Facility?

February 1, 2013

What is the Attacked Syrian Facility?.

In light of the reports of a possible Israeli strike in Syria, and the Syrian military admission that a “research facility” was attacked, Ronen Solomon provides a glimpse of one of the most protected facilities in Syria, surrounded by advanced missile batteries

The spokesperson for the Syrian military admitted yesterday that IAF aircraft attacked a military facility in Syrian territory. According to the statement by the military spokesperson, the facility that was attack was the military center for weaponry research and development.

The facility is part of a military complex that includes schools, war reserve units, training areas for special forces, and a communication center by a Syrian-Korean company. The facility also houses the technological school that belongs to the Syrian agency for scientific research, which is entrusted with developing the country’s unconventional weapons, including the arsenal of chemical and biological weapons. The military complex which neighbors the Jamariah neighborhood is protected by Russian-produced antiaircraft missile batteries.

However, what exactly is the facility? Ronen Solomon provides an extensive review of the facilities that was attacked by IAF aircraft according to the publications.

The Syrian Studies and Research Center (SSRC), an innocent-sounding name for the top entity that deals with highly confidential military research, was founded in 1971, and worked with western business and research organizations during the 1980s, until it was identified by US and French intelligence services with its numerous branches in the cities of Damascus and Aleppo. In the past decade, the SSRC has been headed by Dr. Amr Armanazi, originally a computer engineer. Armanazi met with Syrian President Bashar al-Assad for the first time when Assad headed the Syrian Computer Society. At the time, Armanazi worked with him as a senior official in HISAT, Syria’s highest institute for training for scientific professions, which also serves as a hotbed for research, development and assimilation of computer applications and communication systems for military institutions.

At his side are the agency’s senior officials, who also serve as shared directors in the other bodies of the national system for scientific research and education. One of them is Khaled El-Azem, who appears beside him in a photo taken during a visit to their former colleague, Imad Moustapha, Syria’s ambassador to the US, who managed the high institute for training agency employees in the past.
Developing Biological and Chemical Weapons

HISAT is essentially the highest school for training agency employees in its various activities. Among other things, the institute trains electronic and mechanical engineers, software engineers, aeronautics engineers, biology and chemistry experts and more. The SSRC is directly subordinate to President Assad, and the standing of the head of the agency equals that of a senior governmental minister, due to the scope of the organizations that answer to him and its national importance. The head of the Syrian agency for scientific research also serves as one of the directors in the steering committee of the senior council for scientific research, alongside the head of the Syrian agency for atomic energy.


At the center of the photo is Imad Moustapha, Syrian ambassador to the US, with Amr Armazani, the head of the SSRC, to his right. To his left is Khaled El-Azem, a senior official in the SSRC’s chemical weapons program

 

The SSRC is an enormous organization that employs thousands of employees in a variety of departments that encompass all fields of technology and scientific development which have military possibilities. The departments that are of special interest are the nuclear departments, and the “Immunology Laboratory,” where Syria develops its biological weapons alongside the laboratory for environmental research. The special cooling towers that are characteristic of facilities for the production of chemical weapons can be clearly identified in the photos from Al Safir. The production process is complex and involves the disposal of very toxic substances emitted during the production of chemical weapons. The cooling towers are needed for cooling the system.

The main production site is the Al Safir site in northern Syria. It is at this site that Syria produces Sarin and VX chemical weapons. The site is also used to store the new Scud C and Scud D missiles, which can reach and hit any location in Israel’s territory. All of the agency’s development and storage facilities are protected by missile batteries, including surface-to-air (SAM) missile batteries.

**
Theinformation about the agency was gathered in the framework of a joint investigation with Ronen Bergman titled “Assad’s Nuclear Program,” which was published in the Israeli daily Yedioth Aharonoth on April 4, 2008 following the attack on the Syrian reactor.

F-16s ‘Fired Bunker-Buster, 8 Missiles’

February 1, 2013

F-16s ‘Fired Bunker-Buster, 8 Missiles’ – Defense/Security – News – Israel National News.

London-based Arab newspaper says Iranian Revolutionary Guards who were guarding the installation were killed.

By Gil Ronen

First Publish: 1/31/2013, 8:59 PM

 

An Israeli F-16i

An Israeli F-16i
flash 90

The site allegedly attacked by Israel in Syria manufactured chemical and biological weapons, according to a report in Iraqi newspaper Azzaman that appears in London.

The newspaper quoted Western diplomats who are close to the regime of Bashar al-Assad. It says that the classified installation, which is located just 12 kilometers (7 miles) from the presidential palace, was guarded by a large contingent of Iranian Revolutionary Guards, many of whom died in the attack.

A diplomatic source interviewed by the newspaper said that the attack took place 48 hours before it was first reported. He said that initial reports regarding a convoy that was attacked were meant to disguise the true target of the attack. However, the newspaper reported, some trucks were also destroyed in the attack.

The diplomatic source said that Israeli F-16 jets carried out two sorties over the installation, firing at least eight guided missiles at it as well as at least one bunker busting bomb. The installation was badly damaged and there were numerous casualties. He said that about 3,000 Iranian Revolutionary Guards were stationed at the installation, as well as several Russian experts.

He added that the operation must also have relied on good intelligence obtained by Israel within Iran.

In Iran, the government-run PressTV quoted Deputy Foreign Minister Hossein Amir Abdollahian Thursday as saying the raid on Syria will have significant implications for Israel.

He called upon United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon to take operative steps against Israel following the attack, and suggested to the Israeli leadership “not to place too much trust on the Patriot batteries that are stationed in the area.”

Syria’s Ambassador in Lebanon, Ali Abdul-Karim Ali, told Hizbullah’s al-Ahd news website that Damascus ‘‘has the option and the capacity to surprise in retaliation.”

The White House meanwhile warned Syria not to “further destabilize the region” by transferring weaponry to Hizbullah.

Syria strike may be the shape of things to come

February 1, 2013

Syria strike may be the shape of things to come | The Times of Israel.

Israel could act again if sophisticated weapons are transferred to
Hezbollah; ‘Assad hunkering down, may not respond’
February 1, 2013, 1:25 am 0
A formation of IAF Lockheed Martin F-16s (photo credit: Tsahi Ben-Ami/Flash90)

A formation of IAF Lockheed Martin F-16s (photo credit: Tsahi Ben-Ami/Flash90)

An alleged Israeli air attack staged in Syria this week may be a sign of things to come.

Israeli military officials appear to have concluded that the risks of attacking Syria are worth taking when compared to the dangers of allowing sophisticated weapons to reach Hezbollah guerrillas in neighboring Lebanon.

With Syrian President Bashar Assad’s grip on power weakening, Israeli officials fear he could soon lose control over his substantial arsenal of chemical and advanced weapons, which could slip into the hands of Hezbollah or other hostile groups. These concerns, combined with Hezbollah’s own domestic problems, mean further military action could be likely.

Tzachi Hanegbi, an incoming lawmaker in Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s Likud Party and a former chairman of parliament’s influential foreign affairs and defense committee, signaled Thursday that Israel could be compelled to act on its own. While Israel’s preference is for Western powers to gain control over Syria’s arms stockpile, he said there are no signs of that happening.

“Israel finds itself, like it has many times in the past, facing a dilemma that only it knows how to respond to. And it could well be that we will reach a stage where we will have to make decisions,” Hanegbi told Israel’s Army Radio Thursday. Hanegbi, like other Israeli officials, would not confirm Israeli involvement in the airstrike.

In this week’s incident, Israeli warplanes conducted a rare airstrike inside Syria, according to US officials who said the target was a convoy believed to be carrying anti-aircraft weapons bound for Hezbollah, the powerful Lebanese militant group allied with Syria and Iran. The trucks were next to the military research facility identified by the Syrians, and the strike hit both the trucks and the facility, said the official, who spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to speak about the operation.

The Syrian military has denied the existence of any weapons shipment and said a military research facility outside Damascus was hit.

Syrian sources told London-based Arabic daily Al-Quds Al-Arabi on Friday that the objective of the alleged Israeli airstrike was to test Damascus’s preparedness and air defense abilities rather than deal significant damage to its military infrastructure. They further claimed that the labs in the facility were not destroyed in the attack.

On Thursday, Syria threatened to retaliate, while Hezbollah condemned the attack as “barbaric aggression.” Iran, which supplies arms to Syria, Hezbollah and the Hamas militant group in Gaza, said the airstrike would have significant implications for Israel. Syrian ally Russia said it appeared to be an unprovoked attack on a sovereign nation.

Syrian chief of staff General Ali Abdullah Ayoub said Thursday that the war with Israel is ongoing and will never end, Syria state media reported.

Ayoub visited Syrian Army troops Thursday and charged that Israel was backing rebel groups conducting “organized terrorism against the Syrian people.”

Syria’s ambassador to Lebanon, Ali Abdul-Karim Ali, said Damascus “has the option and the capacity to surprise in retaliation.” He told Hezbollah’s al-Ahd news website that it was up to the relevant authorities to choose the time and place.

For now, Israeli officials seem to be playing down the threats.

“Israel took a big gamble out of the belief that Iran and Hezbollah won’t retaliate. The question is, ‘Are they right or not?’” said Moshe Maoz, a professor emeritus at Hebrew University who specializes in Syria.

Officials believe that Assad’s position in Syria is so precarious that he cannot risk opening a new front with Israel. With an estimated 60,000 Syrians killed in the civil war, Israeli officials also think it’s too late for Assad to rally his bitterly divided nation behind him.

“Syria is in such a bad state right now that an Israeli retaliation to a Syrian action would be harsh and could topple the regime. Therefore Syria is not responding,” Maoz said.

Israel is far more worried about the threat of sophisticated weapons reaching Hezbollah. In a monthlong 2006 war, Hezbollah fired some 4,000 rockets and missiles into Israel before the conflict ended in a stalemate. Israeli officials believe the guerrilla group has restocked its arsenal with tens of thousands of missiles, some capable of striking deep inside the Jewish state.

Resigned to this fact, Israel has set a number of “red lines” for Hezbollah that it says are unacceptable, in particular the acquisition of new weapons that it believes would change the balance of power in the region. These include chemical weapons and sophisticated anti-aircraft and surface-to-sea missiles.

This week’s airstrike is believed to have targeted Russian-made SA-17 anti-aircraft missiles that Syria recently obtained. If they were to reach Hezbollah, the SA-17s would greatly inhibit the Israeli air force’s ability to operate in Lebanon. Israel has frequently flown sorties over Lebanese skies since 2006.

The airstrike is part of an Israeli strategy known to military planners as “the policy of prevention,” or the “war between wars.” In recent years, Israel is believed to have launched a number of covert missions, including airstrikes in Sudan and assassinations of key Hezbollah and Hamas militants, aimed at disrupting the flow of weapons to its Iranian-backed enemies. Israel has never acknowledged involvement.

Israeli security officials believe that Hezbollah, despite its claims of victory, is still deterred by the experience of the 2006 war, in which it lost hundreds of fighters. Instead of a direct war, Israel fears Hezbollah might try to strike Israeli or Jewish targets around the world. Israel has accused Hezbollah of a string of attacks on Israeli targets in recent years, including a deadly attack on Israeli tourists in Bulgaria last July.

The Israeli airstrike comes at a particularly sensitive and vulnerable time for Hezbollah in Lebanon. Despite its formidable weapons arsenal and political clout in the country, the group’s credibility and maneuvering space has been significantly reduced in the past few years.

Hezbollah still suffers from the fallout of the 2006 war, which many in Lebanon accused it of provoking by kidnapping soldiers from the border area. Since then, the group has come under increasing pressure at home to disarm, leading to sectarian tensions between its Shiite supporters and Sunnis from the opposing camp that have often spilled into deadly street fighting.

When Hezbollah sent an Iranian-made reconnaissance drone over Israel in November, the group boasted of its capabilities — but critics in Lebanon slammed it for embarking on a unilateral adventure that could provoke Israel.

Despite persistent reports and accusations that Hezbollah members are fighting alongside the military in Syria, Hezbollah has largely approached the Syria conflict with caution, mindful that any action it takes could backfire.

“In different times, Hezbollah would have reacted to Israel’s surgical strike, but not today,” said Bilal Saab, director of the Institute for Near East and Gulf Military Analysis, North America. “This is a time for hunkering down and weathering the storm.”

The uprising in Syria, the main transit point of weapons brought from Iran to Hezbollah, presents the group with its toughest challenge since its inception in 1982.

The group could still get weapons, but would struggle to get them as easily without the Syria supply route. Hezbollah leader Sheik Hassan Nasrallah’s public support for the Assad regime has proved costly and the group’s reputation has taken a severe beating. Former champions of the group now describe it as hypocritical for supporting Arab Spring uprisings in Tunisia, Libya and Egypt, but not in Syria.

As for Israel and Syria, although they are bitter enemies, they have avoided direct conflict for most of the past 40 years. Israel has been careful to stay out of Syria’s civil war, not wanting to be seen as supporting any side in the conflict.

While the attack overnight Tuesday, believed to be the first by Israel on Syrian soil since 2007, appeared to come out of nowhere, signs of impending action were evident in recent days.

On Jan. 23, the day after national elections, Netanyahu convened top security officials for an emergency meeting to discuss the situation in Syria.

One of the meeting participants, Vice Premier Silvan Shalom, warned this week that Israel could be forced to carry out a pre-emptive attack under certain circumstances. The same day, Israel suddenly moved a new, state-of-the-art rocket-defense system to the northern city of Haifa, which was hit hard by Hezbollah rocket fire during a 2006 war.

Uzi Rabi, a military analyst at Tel Aviv University’s Dayan Center, said the attack was a “kind of message” sent by Israel to Syria and Hezbollah.

“It says we do have capabilities when it comes to intelligence gathering … and this would serve as kind of a warning sign to Hezbollah not to transfer chemical weaponry from Syria to Hezbollah,” he said.

White House: Iran’s centrifuge upgrade represents ‘further escalation’

February 1, 2013

White House: Iran’s centrifuge upgrade represents ‘further escalation’ | The Times of Israel.

‘While the world is discussing where and when the next meeting with Iran will be, Iran is rapidly advancing toward a nuclear bomb,’ says Israeli official

January 31, 2013, 11:14 pm 3
An anti-aircraft gun guarding the uranium enrichment facility at Natanz in Iran in 2007. (photo credit: AP/Hasan Sarbakhshian, File)

An anti-aircraft gun guarding the uranium enrichment facility at Natanz in Iran in 2007. (photo credit: AP/Hasan Sarbakhshian, File)

The White House on Thursday warned that Iran’s plan to upgrade its uranium enrichment centrifuges at the Natanz nuclear plant was a “further escalation” in the showdown over its atomic program.

“The installation of new advanced centrifuges is a further escalation and a continuing violation … of Iran’s obligations under relevant United Nations Security Council and IAEA board resolutions,” White House spokesman Jay Carney said.

In a defiant move ahead of nuclear talks, Iran has announced plans to vastly increase its pace of uranium enrichment, which can make both reactor fuel and the fissile core of warheads. Eager to avoid scuttling those negotiations, world powers are keeping their response low-key.

Iran told the International Atomic Energy Agency of its intentions last week, and the IAEA informed member nations in an internal note seen by The Associated Press on Thursday.

Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad visits the Natanz enrichment facility in 2008 (photo credit: www.president.ir)

Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad visits the Natanz enrichment facility in 2008 (photo credit: http://www.president.ir)

The brief note quoted Iran as saying new-generation IR2m “centrifuge machines …will be used” to populate a new “unit” — a technical term for an assembly that can consist of as many as 3,132 centrifuges.

It gave no timeframe. A senior diplomat familiar with the issue said work had not started, adding that it would take weeks, if not months, to have the new machines running once technicians started putting them in. He demanded anonymity because he was not authorized to divulge confidential information.

The Iranian plan was condemned by Israel, which sees Iran’s nuclear program as an existential threat and has said it would use all means to stop it from reaching weapons capability.

“While the world is discussing where and when the next meeting with Iran will be, Iran is rapidly advancing toward obtaining a nuclear bomb,” said a senior official from Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s office. “The international community cannot allow Iran to arm itself with a nuclear weapon.”

Mark Fitzpatrick, a non-proliferation expert and former senior official at the US State Department, described the planned upgrade as a potential “game-changer.”

“If thousands of the more efficient machines are introduced, the timeline for being able to produce a weapon’s worth of fissile material will significantly shorten,” said Fitzpatrick, of the International Institute for Strategic Studies.

“This won’t change the several months it would take to make actual weapons out of the fissile material or the two years or more that it would take to be able to mount a nuclear warhead on a missile, so there is no need to start beating the war drums,” he said. “But it will certainly escalate concerns.”

The planned upgrade could burden international efforts to coax Tehran into scaling back its nuclear activities and cooperating with the agency’s attempts to investigate its suspicions of secret weapons work. Talks are tentatively set for next month with a date and venue still open.

Iran insists it does not want nuclear arms and argues it has a right to enrich uranium for a civilian nuclear power program. But suspicion persists that the real aim is nuclear weapons. The Islamic Republic hid much of its nuclear program until it was revealed from the outside more than a decade ago. A deadlock in the IAEA’s probe of Iran’s nuclear program has furthered suspicions of a clandestine pursuit of atomic weapons.

Defying U.N. Security Council demands that it halt uranium enrichment, Iran has instead expanded it. Experts say Tehran already has enough enriched uranium to be able to turn it into weapons-grade material for several nuclear weapons.

Phone calls seeking comment from Ali Asghar Soltanieh, Iran’s chief IAEA delegate, went to his voicemail.

The envisaged centrifuge upgrade potentially complicates planned talks next month during which the United States, Russia, China, Britain, France and Germany are expected to press Tehran to cut back on uranium enrichment, and Iran is likely to seek relief from sanctions cutting into its oil sales and financial transactions.

Iran may be hoping that its tough line on enrichment will force further concessions from the six, which over the past year have scaled down their demands from a total enrichment freeze. More recently, after a series of inconclusive meetings, they’ve asked merely for a halt to Iran’s higher-enrichment program.

Yousaf Butt, a consultant to the Federation of American Scientists who supports Iran’s right to enrich, said Tehran was “using the only leverage it has — its enrichment program — as a means to coax some sanctions relief.”

There was no indication late Thursday that the six powers were ready to go that way. But moderate reactions from some suggested they were eager to keep negotiation channels open.

The British Foreign Office confirmed that Iran had informed the International Atomic Energy Agency of its plan, and described it as “a cause for concern,” noting it breached both U.N. Security Council and IAEA board resolutions urging Iran to curb enrichment.

But it avoided linking the move to the next round of talks. Instead the statement expressed hope that Iran would soon respond to the six powers on a time and place for a meeting, adding: “We hope that Iran will agree to talks quickly and come to the table ready to engage and negotiate seriously.”

In Moscow, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov noted Thursday that Moscow and its fellow U.N. Security Council members “have called on Iran to freeze enrichment operations during the negotiations.” But he too avoided any direct suggestion that the planned Iranian centrifuge update would upend such talks.

The White House said the move by Iran did not come as a surprise, describing it as a further escalation and continuing violation of Iran’s international obligations.

“It would mark yet another provocative step by Iran, and will only invite further isolation by the international community,” said White House spokesman Jay Carney. “We continue to believe that there is time and space for diplomacy to work, but actions like this only undercut the efforts of the international community to resolve its concerns.”

The European Union’s top foreign policy official, Catherine Ashton, said she is confident negotiations over Iran’s nuclear program will resume soon. Ashton has convened past meetings, and her spokesman had suggested last week that Iran was delaying by setting new preconditions and not agreeing to a venue.

A Western diplomat accredited to the U.N. agency said IAEA delegation heads from the U.S. and its allies exchanged views over Iran’s plans Thursday and agreed to await further developments. He also demanded anonymity because he was not authorized to talk about the issue.

While acknowledging that the Iranian plan was of concern, he noted that Tehran had set no date for installing the new centrifuges. That, he said, gave the international community breathing space.

Iran says it is enriching only to power reactors and for scientific and medical purposes. But because of its nuclear secrecy, many countries fear that Iran may break out from its present production that is below the weapons-grade threshold and start enriching uranium to levels of over 90 percent, used to arm nuclear weapons.

Tehran now has more than 10,000 centrifuges enriching uranium at its main plant at Natanz, 225 kilometers (140 miles) southeast of Tehran, to fuel grade at below 4 percent. Its separate Fordo facility, southwest of Tehran, has close to 3,000 centrifuges — most of them active and producing material enriched to 20 percent, which can be turned into weapons-grade uranium much more quickly.

Iran has depended on domestically made and breakdown-prone IR-1 centrifuges whose design is decades-old at both locations up to now, but started testing more sophisticated prototypes in the summer of 2010.

David Albright, whose Washington-based Institute for Science and International Technology serves as a resource for some U.S. government branches, estimated in a 2011 report that 1,000 of the advanced machines “would be equivalent to about 4,000-5,000 IR-1 centrifuges” in production speed.

Separately from the talks between Iran and the six powers, IAEA experts are scheduled to visit Tehran on Feb. 13 in their more-than-yearlong effort to restart the probe of the weapons allegations.

The British statement urged Iran to “take serious practical steps to cooperate with the IAEA on all matters of substance relating to the possible military dimensions to its nuclear programme.”

Copyright 2013 The Associated Press

Syria warns: Air defense on high alert

February 1, 2013

Syria warns: Air defense on high alert – Israel News, Ynetnews.

Syrian sources claim alleged Israel strike on ‘research center’ was meant to test country’s air-defense capabilities, failed to damage military labs. Syrian army chief: Battle with Zionists will never end

Roi Kais

Published: 02.01.13, 00:22 / Israel News

Syria continues to insist that Israel attacked a “research center” on its soil, despite Western and Mideast diplomats’ claims that the alleged airstrike targeted a shipment of SA-17 missiles bound for Hezbollah in Lebanon. The war-torn Arab country further claims that the “attack” on the research center was aimed at testing its aerial defense systems, the Al Quds Al Arabi reported Thursday, citing Syrian sources.

The sources told the pan-Arab newspaper that since the “attack” numerous air-defense battalions – particularly those deployed in the area between Damascus and the Lebanese border – are on high alert.

“Israel knows that a strike on a scientific research center that belongs to the military cannot cause damage, and that the production of Syrian weapons will continue at the site,” one of the sources said.

“Israel has other goals. One of them is to test Damascus’ defense and rocket capabilities.” However, the source added, “the Syrian Army will not provide Israel with an answer on this matter so easily.”

Syrian army chief visits troops (Photo: AFP)
Syrian army chief visits troops (Photo: AFP)

The sources repeated the claim that the alleged Israeli air strike targeted a research facility near Damascus, but insisted the attack did not damage underground military labs at the site.

According to the sources, only administrative structures were hit. They estimated that the fighter jets did not fly directly over the target, but bombed it from afar immediately after penetrating Syria’s airspace.

Earlier, the White House warned Syria not to transfer weapons to Hezbollah, thus supporting the reports claiming the target of the air strike was a weapons convoy that was heading to Lebanon.

The official Syrian Arab News Agency reported Thursday that Defense Minister Fahd al-Freij briefed the Cabinet on the nature of the “terrorist attack by the warplanes of the Israeli enemy” at dawn on Wednesday.

According to the report, al-Freij said that the “heinous attack” caused damage to the research center, claimed the lives of two “martyrs” and wounded five others.

 

The minister, SANA reported, linked between the attack and the “aggressions of the armed groups, denying allegations of the Israeli foe that the reason of its raid was striking equipment and weapons prepared to be transformed to another place.”

Ynet’s military analyst Ron Ben-Yishai said Syria’s version is apparently meant to conceal the fact that, according to foreign reports, Syria transferred to Hezbollah advanced surface-to-air missiles it had recently received from Russia.

The complex allegedly attacked is located 15 kilometers from the border with Lebanon, and it is safe to assume that the actual attack targeted the weapons convoy as it was passing nearby.

On Wednesday Syrian rebels said President Bashar Assad’s government was lying and that they were behind the attack on the research center. This is entirely possible.

The chief of staff of the Syrian Army, Gen. Ali Abdullah Ayub, toured various army units on Thursday and assessed the preparedness of troops on the ground. Ayub spoke to the soldiers and said “we will not abandon our posts, even if the enemy will attempt aggressive actions.”

“Anyone who thinks he can test our armed forces is wrong. The battle with the Zionist enemy continues, and will never end,” he said.

According to Ben-Yishai, Syria and Russia have an interest in denying the attack on the convoy because Moscow recently guaranteed Israel that the advanced weapons it sells to Syria – particularly anti-aircraft systems – would not reach Hezbollah.

Assad, for his part, does not want the Russians to know he breached his agreement with them by transferring arms to Hezbollah. Moscow also fears the attack would open the door to additional attacks on Syria – this time by NATO forces.

The question is whether the attack will deter Syria and Hezbollah and stop the transfer of arms to Lebanon.

Meanwhile, Jerusalem has instructed its missions abroad to raise their level of alertness. However, at this point security around Israeli interests overseas will not be boosted.