Archive for July 24, 2012

One Per Cent: Iran nuclear facilities ‘Thunderstruck’ by AC/DC malware

July 24, 2012

One Per Cent: Iran nuclear facilities ‘Thunderstruck’ by AC/DC malware.

( Some true comic relief from “New Scientist.” – JW  )

Jacob Aron, technology reporter

rexfeatures_955852j.jpg(Image: Classic Rock/Future Publishing/Rex Features)

In 2010, Iran’s nuclear facilities were infiltrated by Stuxnet, the centrifuge-wrecking malware allegedly cooked up by the US government. Now they seem to have been hit again by a bizarre attack forcing nuclear plant workstations to pump the song Thunderstruck by heavy metal band AC/DC through the speakers at full volume.

News of the attack comes from Mikko Hypponen, chief research officer at Finnish computer security firm F-Secure, who says he recently received a series of emails from a scientist working at the Atomic Energy Organization of Iran (AEOI):

“I am writing you to inform you that our nuclear program has once again been compromised and attacked by a new worm with exploits which have shut down our automation network at Natanz and another facility Fordo near Qom.”

The Iranian scientist goes on to say that they believe the attackers used Metasploit, a common hacking tool which provides a variety of ways to penetrate supposedly secure networks. “There was also some music playing randomly on several of the workstations during the middle of the night with the volume maxed out,” says the scientist. “I believe it was playing ‘Thunderstruck’ by AC/DC.”

While the US military has used heavy metal music as a weapon in the past it seems unlikely that a Stuxnet-like stealth attack would announce its presence with a few blasting power chords, suggesting the hit is more likely the work of a thrill-seeking hacker. Hypponen says he has been unable to verify any details of the attack, but has confirmed that the emails were sent and received from within the AEOI.

Syria’s SNC to accept transition led by regime figures; Assad’s days seen ‘numbered’

July 24, 2012

Syria’s SNC to accept transition led by regime figures; Assad’s days seen ‘numbered’.

SNC spokesman Georges Sabra said that they want to put an end to the massacres and protect Syrian civilians, and accept the initiative  to remove Assad and  transfer his powers to a regime figure. (Reuters)

SNC spokesman Georges Sabra said that they want to put an end to the massacres and protect Syrian civilians, and accept the initiative to remove Assad and transfer his powers to a regime figure. (Reuters)

The Syrian opposition would be willing to accept a transition led temporarily by a member of the regime if President Bashar al-Assad steps aside, the Syrian National Council said on Tuesday.

“We would agree that to the departure of Assad and the transfer of his powers to a regime figure, who would lead a transitional period like what happened in Yemen,” SNC spokesman Georges Sabra told AFP.

“We accept this initiative because the priority today is to put an end to the massacres and protect Syrian civilians, not the trial of Assad,” Sabra said.

Asked about which regime figure could lead such a transition, Sabra said “Syria has patriotic figures both in the regime and among officers in the Syrian army who could take such a role,” without giving further details.

Meanwhile, the head of the Arab League has said the Syrian government of President Assad cannot last for long, saying its days were numbered in an interview published in the pan-Arab newspaper al-Hayat on Tuesday.

Speaking after an Arab League meeting which called on Assad to step down, Secretary General Nabil al-Araby also said the time for talking about political reform was over. “There is now no talk about political reform, but a transfer of power,” he said.

Arab League ministers who convened in Doha on Sunday called on Assad to relinquish power, adding that the Arab League would help to provide a safe exit for him and his family.

Asked how long the Assad administration could survive, Araby told al-Hayat: “I cannot define a period, but the regime cannot continue for a long time.”

As required by the Arab League resolutions adopted on Sunday, Araby said he would soon travel to China and Russia with Qatari Prime Minister Sheikh Hamad bin Jassim Al Thani, who chairs the Arab League committee on Syria.

China and Russia have used their veto power in the U.N. Security Council three times to block resolutions designed to pressure Assad and halt the conflict in Syria.

“Our message to the Russians will be, with clarity and frankness, that the veto decision they took is viewed as being against Arab interests. We hope for a review of the matter, especially given that they know that the days of the current regime in Syria are numbered,” he said.

Araby also urged the Syrian opposition to unite and form a transitional government.

IDF chief: Attack in Syria may lead to broader conflict

July 24, 2012

IDF chief: Attack in Syria may lead to broader conflict – Israel News, Ynetnews.

Gantz tells Knesset Defense Committee strike on chemical weapons stockpiles may drag Israel into major war; says defections motivated Syrian rebels

Yoav Zitun

Published: 07.24.12, 14:57 / Israel News

During a Knesset Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee debate Tuesday on the possibility of an Israeli attack on Syria‘s stockpiles of chemical weapons, IDF Chief of Staff Lt.-Gen. Benny Gantz said the army may find it difficult to launch a “pinpoint” attack and warned that any other strike in Syria may drag the Jewish state into a broader regional conflict.

Gantz told the committee that Syrian President Bashar Assad‘s regime has boosted protection around its chemical weapons stockpiles and that the weapons have not landed in the hands of “negative elements” as of yet.

“But this situation may change,” he stressed, “and then we will be faced with a dilemma.”

Gantz said Israelmust also consider “who will remain after we act and in whose hands (the weapons) will land.”

Addressing the civil war in Syria, the army chief said Iran and Hezbollahhave provided substantial assistance to Assad’s forces – including weapons – but added that the defections of top commanders are hurting the Syrian army and motivating the rebels.

Earlier, the rebel Free Syrian Army said the Syrian government has movedchemical weapons to airports on its borders.

“We in the joint command of the Free Syrian Army inside the country know very well the locations and positions of these weapons,” a statement from the FSA said.

“We also reveal that (President Bashar) Assad has transferred some of these weapons and equipment for mixing chemical components to airports on the border.”

The statement said the weapons had been moved in a bid to pressure the international community, much of which has called for Assad to step aside in the face of a 16-month uprising against his rule.

Poll: Most Israelis trust U.S. as an ally

July 24, 2012

Poll: Most Israelis trust U.S. as an ally | Lansing State Journal | lansingstatejournal.com.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu holds his weekly Cabinet meeting Sunday in Jerusalem. He says, “The real thing — the real question — is not stated policy (from the U.S.) but actual results on the ground.” / Pool photo by Gali Tibbon
USA Today

By Michele Chabin, Special for USA TODAY

JERUSALEM (USA TODAY) — With the borders they share with Egypt, Syria, Lebanon, Jordan and even the Palestinian territories relatively peaceful at the moment, Israelis have been enjoying an unusually calm summer — at least at home.

That can change quickly in this part of the world.

The violence in Syria threatens to spill into other countries, Iran’s Israel-hating leaders refuse to end a nuclear program that could produce an atomic bomb, the Muslim Brotherhood has gained the presidency in Egypt, and Israelis continue to be targets for terrorism worldwide.

Worrisome to many here is where the United States will come down if serious trouble befalls the Jewish state.

A poll of Israelis in June found that most trust the United States to come to Israel’s help in an existential threat, but they don’t think the current U.S. administration is handling the threats well.

“We have to destroy Iran’s weapons with or without the Americans’ help, and it should be done before the elections, while Obama can’t act,” Avraham Nachmani, 51, of northern Israel, said as he stood outside a cosmetics store while his wife shopped.

Iran is among the biggest worries. The Islamic republic continues to enrich uranium into possible weapons-grade material and has refused to let United Nations inspectors verify whether it is abiding by an agreement not to make nuclear weapons.

The United States and the European Union have imposed sanctions against Iran to get it to open up its program to inspection. During the latest talks between six world powers and Iran held in Moscow, Iran insisted that its nuclear program is for peaceful purposes.

Efraim Inbar, a Bar-Ilan University political scientist, said many Israelis are “disappointed” by President Obama’s continuing determination to pressure Iran with economic sanctions and diplomacy, not a military assault.

“By failing to explicitly threaten the regime with American military force, the president is projecting the image of the U.S. as a weakling, and radicals will take advantage of it and Israel,” Inbar said.

No ‘results on the ground’

Iran’s nuclear program was at the top of the agenda during Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton’s visit to Jerusalem this month. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said Sunday it would be the No. 1 subject when he meets Friday with Republican presidential contender Mitt Romney, who will be visiting Israel.

The sanctions that Obama prefers to use to pressure Iran have aimed to stop it from selling its oil.

The U.S. Treasury Department also recently blacklisted several companies and individuals that it says may be helping Iran acquire nuclear weapons.

Obama has insisted Iran must not develop nuclear weapons, but Netanyahu said Sunday that despite Obama’s insistence, the threat is “still with us four years later.”

“The real thing — the real question — is not stated policy but actual results on the ground,” Netanyahu said.

Israel also says it has “rock solid” proof that Iran’s Hezbollah operatives were behind the killing Wednesday of five vacationing Israelis and a bus driver in Bulgaria. The website of Iran State TV called the accusation “ridiculous.”

Obama condemned the “barbaric terrorist attack” but did not mention Iran. The White House said Obama pledged to provide “whatever assistance is necessary to identify and bring to justice the perpetrators.”

The June poll commissioned by the Begin Sadat Center at Bar Ilan University and the Anti-Defamation League found that nearly 70% of Israelis have a positive attitude toward the United States. More than 90% believe that in an existential crisis or “moment of truth,” the United States would come to Israel’s aid.

Obama is not viewed as favorably. In 2009, 54% of Israelis viewed him positively, compared with 32% in June.

Some Israelis said they want an assurance that the United States would support Israel if it attacked Iran’s nuclear capability to end the bomb threat.

Just 19% of Israelis support a military strike without U.S. support, according to a poll conducted by the Washington-based Brookings Saban Center in February.

Forty-two percent favor an attack if the United States is on board.

Counting on sanctions

Israeli military analyst Yaakov Katz, co-author of Israel vs. Iran: The Shadow War, says the polls show Israelis are “skeptical” about Obama’s determination to take military action to stop Iran.

Simon Knopf, 50, an American-born physician’s assistant who moved to Israel five years ago, said Iran doesn’t worry him.

Cradling his 5-year-old son, Avichai, in his lap, Knopf said, “I think the economic sanctions are taking their toll on the Iranian people and eventually they’ll rise up against their leaders. The regime is strong, but it’s only a matter of time until it’s toppled.”

Watching her two little boys running around a play area, Arij Mohammed, a 25-year-old mother dressed in jeans and a colorful Islamic head scarf, admitted she fears Iran.

“I’m not an Israeli citizen, but I live here, and I worry about my family. My only concern is to keep them safe,” said Mohammed, a resident of East Jerusalem.

Regardless of which U.S. presidential candidate wins in November, Israel will do “what if feels is in its own interest, even if it goes against American policy,” Katz said.

Michael Segall, senior analyst at the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs, said he believes the Iranians are taking advantage of the run-up to the U.S. election and making provocative moves such as conducting missile tests in international shipping waters off the Strait of Hormuz.

“They know Obama is limited in what he can do militarily, for political reasons, so they’re mocking the U.S.,” Segall said.

Israel stirs on the eve of Middle East war

July 24, 2012

Asia Times Online :: Israel stirs on the eve of Middle East war.

By Victor Kotsev

Perhaps the most ominous words uttered in recent months by Ehud Barak, the influential Israeli defense minister, came in the form of a paradoxical reassurance. “I believe and hope that there will be no war this summer, but that is all that can be said at this time,” he said in a televised interview on Friday.

Conventional wisdom has it that the louder the Israeli threats of war, the less likely that a war is imminent – and, in certain situations such as the present one, vice versa. Earlier this year, threats were flying – Barak was talking about the Iranian nuclear program entering an “immunity zone” by the end of the summer – but more recently this has changed dramatically. As Reuters observed two months ago, Israeli officials have gone into an

ominous “lock down.” [1] Now comes Barak’s statement.

The million-dollar question is, which war. From a narrow Israeli perspective, war may in fact be avoidable and all the threats – Barak is certainly aware of the ripple effect of his words – could be primarily defensive in nature. With the entire region in flux and its home front underprepared (only 53% of Israelis, for example, are equipped with gas masks), Israel might ideally prefer to save its shots.

From a broader regional perspective, the civil war in Syria is already a fact, and it looks as if the violence, both there and elsewhere, can only explode further. At some point in the near future, somebody will likely feel compelled to intervene, if not against the Iranian nuclear program, then against the Syrian chemical and biological weapons, if not through a full-scale attack then by a “surgical strike”. If not Israel, this would most likely be the United States, though other regional players also stand ready to weigh in. In many ways, it’s a war of nerves as much as it is a diplomatic bazaar, and it is hard to tell who will blink first and what deals will be struck.

Barak’s words come at a particularly sensitive time, when the Israeli army is on high alert near the northern border and the Israeli leadership is reportedly preparing for a spillover of violence from the Syrian conflict. One scenario that is particularly worrisome and has attracted a lot of attention is that, as the Syrian regime collapses, some of its missiles tipped with chemical weapons could fall into the hands of either Sunni Muslim extremists or Hezbollah in Lebanon.

This danger, of course, could be used for propaganda purposes, in order to justify a pre-emptive strike on Syria backed by the US and other Western powers; this is a tempting hypothesis, but it carries significant hidden risks and costs. Most importantly, any Israeli intervention, save perhaps for a very brief and pointed strike, could rally popular support behind Syrian president Bashar al-Assad and thus backfire spectacularly. Other Arab states might face public pressure to shift their stance as well, and the coalition against Assad may come under strain. (During the First Persian Gulf War, former Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein sought to exploit this dynamic by firing Scud missiles at Israel.)

Also, Syria’s response to an Israeli incursion could escalate much more quickly and to much more gruesome levels than that against other aggressors. As the Syrian foreign ministry spokesman put it on Monday, “These [chemical and biological] weapons are stored and secured by Syrian military forces and under its direct supervision and will never be used unless Syria faces external aggression.” [2] It should be noted that the Syrian regime is almost as unlikely to use weapons of mass destruction against another Muslim country as it is against its own population, which leaves Israel the main target of its current threats.

It is true that, among the regional countries, Israel is best equipped to deliver a blow to Syria – after all, it successfully deceived the Syrian air defenses in 2007, when it bombed an alleged Syrian nuclear reactor. By contrast, the other regional heavy weight, Turkey, lost a plane on a reconnaissance mission near the Syrian border this year.

It is also widely believed that among all Israeli politicians, Barak, in particular, is itching for action, and it is possible that some American officials would rather see him engaged in Syria than in Iran, particularly prior to the US presidential elections in November. It is easy to imagine, however, an outcome in which the negative consequences of such action far outweigh the positive ones.

Surprises are possible, and Saudi Arabia is one corner from which we can expect them. Recently, the kingdom made a remarkable choice of a new spy chief, in the face of the “peasant-prince” Bandar bin Sultan. He is a familiar personality in international diplomatic circles, having served for over two decades as the Saudi ambassador in Washington, but for a number of years he had been sidelined. John Hannah, writing for Foreign Policy Magazine, discussed his return to diplomacy last year, [3] and now, it seems, he has re-assumed his spot at the center of the action.

The prince’s exploits are legendary – in the 1980s, for example, he reportedly arranged the delivery of Chinese medium-range missiles to Saudi Arabia under the nose of the US administration, sparking a diplomatic crisis. His resourcefulness is likely being put to use in Syria.

As a Saudi analyst told Reuters on Friday, “Bandar is quite aggressive, not at all like a typical cautious Saudi diplomat. If the aim is to bring [Syrian President] Bashar [al-Assad] down quick and fast, he will have a free hand to do what he thinks necessary. He likes to receive an order and implement it as he sees fit.” [4]

Yet, while coordinating a surprise move with the Israeli “enemy” may well be within Bandar bin Sultan’s (and Saudi Arabia’s) repertoire, it is hard to imagine that the Saudis would be comfortable with an Israeli intervention in a predominantly Sunni Muslim country. In fact, Prince Bandar is known as a hawk on Israel, and his earlier diplomatic downfall is rumored to have been caused in part by his aggressive support for the Palestinians during the Second Intifada (Palestinian uprising).

A damning 2002 quote, which is widely attributed to him and slams the US policy of supporting the Jewish State, goes:

It is a mistake to think that our people will not do what is necessary to survive, and if that means we move to the right of [late al-Qaeda leader Osama] bin Laden, so be it; to the left of [former Libyan leader Muammar] Gaddafi, so be it; or fly to Baghdad and embrace Saddam like a brother, so be it. It’s damned lonely in our part of the world, and we can no longer defend our relationship to our people.

Syria, similarly to the Palestinian territories, might be unpalatable for the Saudis as a target for an Israeli intervention, but Shi’ite Iran is a different matter altogether. In fact, for several years now credible rumors have circulated about the alleged Saudi-Israeli cooperation against the Iranian nuclear program, even claiming that Saudi Arabia has offered its air space as an attack route to the Israelis.

As a side note, this year the Iranians chose to start the Muslim holy month of Ramadan on a different date than Saudi Arabia, in a fresh affront to Riyadh.

For Israel, too, Iran is a much more urgent target than Syria (the Lebanese militant organization Hezbollah also likely ranks higher than Syria, though not as high as Iran). In fact, since the start of the unrest in their northern neighbor the Israelis have generally preferred as much stability in their immediate neighborhood as possible, and have been skeptical about the Syrian rebels’ ability to guarantee that. In the Iranian nuclear program, on the other hand, they see an urgent threat accompanied by the long-term danger of a nuclear arms race in the Middle East.

Right now, Israel seems content to wait as tensions in the Persian Gulf rise by the day, both in order to increase international pressure on Iran and in hopes that the US might get drawn into the fray. Most recently, over half of the Iranian parliament reportedly backed a bill calling on the military to block the Strait of Hormuz. This is a red line for the US, yet the move is mostly symbolic, since final authority over the matter rests with the Iranian supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.

At the same time, however, an aide to Khamenei reportedly threatened that Iran would increase uranium enrichment levels to over 50% fissile material in response to the international pressure, while a computer virus that is attributed to the Islamic Republic has been making rounds in the Middle East. The code, dubbed “Mahdi,” is believed to be Iran’s response to cyber warfare waged against it by the West, and has reportedly infected a number of computers in Israel and other countries. [5]

Finally, both Israel and the US pointed a finger at Iran for the terror attack which claimed five Israeli lives in Bulgaria last week, as well as for a similar plot foiled in Cyprus earlier this month. Both are doing their best to sell their narrative to the international community, and to prepare world public opinion for hostilities.

The main difference is in their time frames, and a long string of top American visitors in Jerusalem (Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and National Security Advisor Tom Donilon in the last couple of weeks) is widely interpreted as an ongoing American campaign to restrain Israel for another few months. The Israelis, however, are growing increasingly restless, as are the Saudis. Barring substantial progress against Iran and its allies soon, the Americans might not get their wishes.

Some analysts have speculated that an American-led campaign in Syria might postpone an Israeli strike on Iran, not least because the Assad regime is a key element of Iran’s influence on the Levant. [6] However, in order for this strategy to work (assuming it would), the Americans would need to assume responsibility for Syria themselves.

This is where the bargaining gets really tricky. Both the Israelis and the Americans would prefer to do as little of the heavy lifting themselves, and to reap as many of the benefits as possible. Each country has a different calculus of its goals and capabilities, and each may find itself compelled to act under different circumstances. Needless to say, the actions of each influence the other.

On the Israeli side, domestic political considerations also weigh in. Last week, the largest party in the Israeli Knesset (parliament), Kadima, left the coalition, which it had joined barely two months ago. While this was due to a domestic intrigue, it will most likely lead to elections early next year, and will put pressure on Barak and his ally, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, to deliver on their promises to stop the Iranian nuclear program. Moreover, the exit from the top decision-making panel of Kadima’s head, Shaul Mofaz, can be seen as conducive to rash military action. Mofaz, a Persian Jew born in Iran and a former chief of staff of the Israeli army, was widely perceived as a moderating influence when it comes to Iran.

Overall, it is hard not to agree with the acclaimed economist Nouriel Roubini, who predicted earlier this month that a “perfect [economic] storm scenario” was “unfolding,” in part due to the high likelihood of large-scale violence in the Middle East. While it is not yet completely clear who the main actors would be – and whether Israel would be directly involved – the likelihood that the various diplomatic negotiations will succeed grows slimmer with each day that passes. Conversely, the danger of a regional war increases.

Notes:
1. Iran attack decision nears, Israeli elite locks down, Reuters, May 17, 2012
2. Syria says could use chemical arms against foreign intervention, Reuters, July 23, 2012
3. Bandar’s return, Foreign Policy, April 22, 2011
4. Saudi Prince Bandar: a flamboyant, hawkish spy chief, Reuters, July 20, 2012
5. ‘Mahdi’ virus stole data on national infrastructure, Jerusalem Post, July 19, 2012
6. The Real Reason to Intervene in Syria, Foreign Policy, June 4, 2012.

Victor Kotsev is a journalist and political analyst.

‘Syria moves chemical weapons, won’t use them on Israel’

July 24, 2012

‘Syria moves chemical weapons, won’t use t… JPost – Middle East.

By JPOST.COM STAFF
LAST UPDATED: 07/24/2012 11:10
Amos Yadlin says Syria’s WMDs not aimed at Israel; Free Syrian Army says Assad transferring massive stockpile of unconventional weapons to airports on the country’s borders in bid to pressure international community.

IDF soldier fits child with gas mask

Photo: REUTERS/David Silverman

The Syrian regime has moved its stockpile of chemical weapons to airports on its borders, AFP quoted rebels as saying Tuesday, just one day after it warned it could use the unconventional weapons against foreign enemies.

“We reveal that [Syrian President Bashar] Assad has transferred some of these weapons and equipment for mixing chemical components to airports on the border,” a statement from the rebel Free Syrian Army said. “We in the joint command of the FSA inside the country know very well the locations and positions of these weapons.”

The rebels said they believed Assad would not use the weapons against Israel. “The regime that has not fired a single bullet against Israel during the course of three decades is certainly not going to use chemical weapons against that country,” the FSA statement said.

Former IDF Intelligence Directorate head Amos Yadlin on Tuesday also said he does not believe Syria’s chemical weapons are aimed at Israel, speaking with Army Radio.

Yadlin did not, however, rule out the possibility that Assad would use the non-conventional weapons against opposition fighters.

According to the rebels, the Syrian regime “began moving its stocks of weapons of mass destruction several months ago” in a bid to pressure the international community.

Assad’s announcement that he would consider using his chemical weapons drew widespread condemnation from the international community. US President Barack Obama said Monday that Assad would be “held accountable” if he made the mistake of using the weapons, while British Foreign Secretary William Hague called the threat “unacceptable.”

Israel also responded to the threat, with President Shimon Peres saying that the Jewish State will act to ensure that Syria’s chemical weapons are not a danger to its citizens.

“The use of chemical weapons is internationally forbidden,” he said. “What do you do when someone violates the law? You fight against them. You stop them.”

U.S. military completes initial planning for Syria – CNN

July 24, 2012

U.S. military completes initial planning for Syria – CNN Security Clearance – CNN.com Blogs.

By Barbara Starr

The U.S. military has completed its own planning for how American troops would conduct a variety of operations against Syria, or to assist neighboring countries in the event action was ordered, officials tell CNN.

In recent weeks, the Pentagon has finalized its assessment of what types of units would be needed, how many troops, and even the cost of certain potential operations, officials tell CNN.

Multiple military officials say initial planning is complete with a full understanding of what types of troops and units would be needed. This has been done so that if President Obama were to ask for options the military would be ready to present them. But officials say additional detailed work would have to be done before forces could be deployed.

The planning comes as the U.S. has become increasingly concerned that the violence in Syria is verging on civil war. Gen. Martin Dempsey, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, said the recent series of bombings have heightened the worry.

Dempsey said it reminded him of the escalating violence during the Iraq war.

The violence “gives us all pause that have been in Iraq and seen how these issues become sectarian and then they become civil wars and then they become very difficult to resolve,” Dempsey told CNN in an exclusive interview on Thursday.

A senior U.S. official said the developments have been a matter of discussion in the Obama administration.

“There is a sense that if the sectarian violence in Syria grows, it could be worse than what we saw in Iraq,” the official said.

The military planning includes a scenario for a no-fly zone as well as protecting chemical and biological sites. Officials say all the scenarios would be difficult to enact and involve large numbers of U.S. troops and extended operations.

The planning, officials insist, is being done protectively and there have been no orders for any action from the White House.

The U.S. Navy is maintaining a presence of three surface combatants and a submarine in the eastern Mediterranean to conduct electronic surveillance and reconnaissance on the Syrian regime, a senior Pentagon official said. The official emphasized that the U.S. routinely maintains this type of naval presence in the eastern Mediterranean, but acknowledged the current focus is on Syria.

The United States, Britain and France have all been discussing contingency scenarios, potential training and sharing of intelligence about what is happening in Syria with neighboring countries including Jordan, Turkey and Israel. But it is Jordan, so far, that is most seeking the help because of its relatively small military and potential need for outside help if unrest in southern Syria were to impact Jordan’s security.

U.S. special forces are training and advising Jordanian troops on a range of specific military tasks they might need to undertake if unrest in Syria spills over into Jordan or poses a threat to that country, three Defense Department officials told CNN. The officials declined to be identified because of the sensitivity of the training. Jordanian officials also are refusing to publicly confirm details, but a senior Middle Eastern government official also confirmed details to CNN.

The U.S. has been training in Jordan using mainly special operations forces under a program called Joint Combined Exchange Training, which sends troops overseas to train foreign soldiers and units in specific missions. Jordan’s major security concern is that if the Syrian regime were to suddenly collapse, then it would face unrest on its northern border, as well as the possibility of large refugee flows, weapons smuggling into Jordan, and potential disarray in Syria’s chemical and biological weapons complex. Jordan also is considering how and where to potentially set up humanitarian assistance bases inside its borders, another matter the U.S. is advising it on.

The Jordanians do not believe regime of Bashir al-Assad would attack them. But they have made it clear to the United States they want the training so they are ready to move quickly if any scenario develops that could destabilize their country, which is already reeling politically from a collapsing economy. While there’s no formal agreement, one of the U.S. officials said the U.S. would come to the defense and support of Jordan in the event any of the Syria scenarios pose a challenge.

While there is no current scenario for putting U.S. troops on the ground in Jordan or Syria, the U.S. could wind up providing air support to move Jordanian troops to the border. In addition, American forces could provide a wide range of intelligence and surveillance capabilities to Jordan so they would have up-to-date information on what is happening on the Syrian side of their border region. In one of the most extreme scenarios, a small unit of Jordanian troops could move into Syria to protect a chemical or biological weapons site.

U.S. satellites are monitoring the chemical and biological weapons sites around the clock, and so far “there is no reason to believe they are not secure,” one of the U.S. officials said.

The U.S. believes the facilities are guarded by some of the most elite Alawite troops loyal to al-Assad. But the official noted that the opposition forces appear to be gaining strength in some areas, and that the United States, Jordan and the allies are concerned that as the amount of al-Assad controlled territory shrinks, some of those critical facilities could be open to attacks, pilfering or efforts by terrorist groups to buy material.

“This is getting a fair amount of attention,” another U.S. official told CNN. Also discussed with Jordanian forces was the possible need for U.S. chemical and biological weapons detecting equipment, the official said.

The overall assessment by the U.S. is that in the event some action had to be taken to secure Syrian chemical, biological or weapons facilities, troops from some country would have to enter Syria in a matter of hours.

This latest training is said to be separate from the recent multinational “Eager Lion 2012” training exercise that took place in Jordan.

During that exercise, U.S. and Jordanian troops also practiced many of the same scenarios, but the JCET training is much more focused, according to the officials.

IDF: Syrian chemical threat targets Israel. Obama warns Assad against “tragic mistake”

July 24, 2012

IDF: Syrian chemical threat targets Israel. Obama warns Assad against “tragic mistake”.

DEBKAfile Exclusive Report July 23, 2012, 11:09 PM (GMT+02:00)

 

Fighting in Aleppo, Syria’s second city

Senior Israeli military officers, referring to the Syrian foreign ministry statement Monday, July 23, that Syria would only use chemical weapons against “external aggression,” found in it a direct threat by the Assad regime to turn those weapons against Israel.

It was Syria’s rejoinder to Israel’s vow to use force against those chemical weapons to prevent them from reaching Hizballah’s hands in Lebanon.
Tensions between Syria and Israel, like its other neighbors – especially Jordan and Turkey – rose to a new pitch in the wake of the new Syrian statement.
Israel’s Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu said plainly Sunday that preventing Syria’s chemical weapons from “falling into the wrong hands” was a key to Israeli security, while Defense Minister Ehud Barak said he had ordered the Israeli military to prepare for a possible attack on Syria’s weapons arsenal, because “Israel cannot accept the transfer of advanced weapons from Syria to Lebanon.”

Monday, British Foreign Secretary William Hague, catching onto Syria’s veiled threat, called it unacceptable: “This is typical of the complete illusion of this regime that they are the victims of external aggression.”
A few hours later, the UN Secretary Ban Ki-moon said in New York that he was “very concerned” that “Syria may be tempted to use chemical weapons.”

He was followed by Pentagon press secretary George Little who told reporters: “They should not think one iota about using chemical weapons,” he said. “We have been very strong in our statements inside the US government on the prospective use of chemical weapons and it would be entirely unacceptable.”
Finally, US President Barack Obama said Monday that “Assad will be held accountable if he makes the tragic mistake of using chemical weapons.

An Israeli officer told debkafile that the Syrian foreign ministry’s statement was tantamount to a declaration that the Assad regime holds all the cards on when and against whom to use its chemical weapons. America, Israel, Jordan and Turkey have no say in the matter. Assad alone will decide if and when to wage chemical warfare against such enemies as Israel and Jordan, although he may be expected to follow Iran in refraining from going after American targets at this time.
He has, in other words, given himself carte blanche for resorting to chemical warfare at a time of his choosing by reiterating that his government is subject to external Arab and Western aggression.
Israeli sources point out that the Syrian statement omitted any mention – certainly no denial – of the possible transfer of those weapons to Hizballah in Lebanon. The Assad regime must therefore be understood to reserve to itself that option, too, thereby laying Israel wide open to a direct threat. Israel and its military were alone in expressly vowing to prevent this transfer.
“We understand the Syrian ruler to be preparing to expand the Syria war into Lebanon whence his troops can threaten northern and Mediterranean areas of Israel,” said a US military source.
Another development Monday portending the further exacerbation of the Syrian crisis was the announcement by Aeroflot that it was suspending flights to Damascus in two weeks “for economic reasons.”
It looks as though Moscow foresees a further downturn in the Syrian conflict and estimates that by early August intensified air force activity in Syrian skies will reach a dangerous level.
Sunday, July 22, debkafile’s exclusive military sources outlined the military dilemma facing Israel with regard to the Syrian chemical weapon threat.  

Iranian Red Lines-Can We Detect When They are Crossed?

July 24, 2012

Iranian Red Lines-Can We Detect When They are Crossed? – Op-Eds – Israel National News.

At what point will Iran’s drive for nuclear weapons necessitate Western military action? Would it be an authoritative order by Iranian leadership to actually assemble a bomb, or is it when Iran enters a “zone of immunity” from military strike?

 

What would constitute the proverbial crossing of a “red line” for Iran?

This paper argues that it is practically impossible and very unlikely that Western intelligence could detect an unambiguous order from Iranian leadership to build a nuclear bomb, making this an unwise”red line” marker.

Instead, the threshold at which no practical surgical operation can deprive Iran of its nuclear capability is a much more relevant “red line” on Iran’s path to nuclearization.

It has become clear that the US Director of National Intelligence (DNI) – the principal adviser to the president for strategic intelligence – openly and unambiguously regards an explicit order from the Iranian leadership to build a nuclear bomb as the red line in the Iranian nuclear program.  Such an order would presumably trigger American military action against the Iranian nuclear infrastructure.

However, it is highly doubtful whether such an order from the Iranian leadership ought to be expected or whether it is at all detectable.  Therefore, the red line might effectively be invisible.

Detection of an order from the top of Iran’s decision-making apparatus can be made through either overt or covert means, each one fraught with enormous difficulties.  One can also assume that the Iranians, being aware of this openly declaredred line, will act cautiously and deliberately try to deceive foreign agencies watching the Iranian decision-making process.

Overt Parameters

In February 2012, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei stated during a speech to a group of Iranian nuclear scientists that Iran logically, religiously, and theoretically considers the possession of nuclear weapons a grave sin and believes the proliferation of such weapons to be senseless, destructive, and dangerous.

One can interpret this statementi n two equally plausible, yet contrasting, ways.  Either Khamenei sincerely meant what he said, and Iran holds no interest in pursuing a nuclear weapon, or his statement is designed to deliberately mislead and conceal an Iranian ambition to pursue the bomb.  The Iranian profile of conduct has for years signified the latter possibility as the most probable one.

This second possibility is the one to which Israel’s Minister of Defense, Ehud Barak, has apparently subscribed.  He has said that Khamenei’s statement isn’t convincing and has noted the Islamic fundamental tenet of “al-taqqiya,” which acts as a license from heaven for a Muslim to lie and mislead in order to achieve a cardinal goal.  This practice is especially common among the Shia.  Thus, Khamenei, or any Iranian authority, has a religious privilege to deceive by declaring Iran “innocent” of the nuclear “grave sin” while surreptitiously committing the “sinful” act.

Covert Parameters

Relying on Iranian rhetoric, or overt signals, can be fatal. While covert methods are more reliable, they are also far from foolproof.  In this case, the vulnerabilities involved in covert tracking exist at both stages of intelligence: collection and data processing.

Intelligence collection can be achieved by monitoring either the flow of given orders, whether issued by Khamenei directly or through the chain of command under him, or the potential Iranian installations where a bomb can successfully be built. The feasibility of detecting an authoritative order through either of these paths is questionable, at the least.

Regardless of the challenges inherent in intelligence collection, there remains an additional obstacle with regard to intelligence processing: confirming the veracity of the collected information.  An important issue is whether such monitoring is based on joint US-Israel intelligence resources or is conducted unilaterally.

If conducted jointly, it is critical that the two countries share the same intelligence and reach similar conclusions; if each country finds different information, a problem could arise.  If the US andI srael each take a unilateral course, then in addition to lack of redundancy, one party would have to take the uncomfortable position of being dependent on the intelligence findings of the other.  Ideally, the concurrent bilateral monitoring and sharing would be complete, but it is unclear whether this is actually taking place.

All in all, it follows that depending on overt or covert intelligence to determine whether the red line – an order from the mullahs to build a bomb – has been crossed, produces unacceptably ambiguous results.

This outcome is also a result of the weak assumption that such an order has not already been given.  It does not take great strategic acumen to accept the possibility of an already existing order from the Iranian leadership to develop and produce nuclear weapons as quickly as possible, yet in a way that does not bring about an attack against Iran.

An Alternative Red Line

Contrary to the DNI, US Secretaryof Defense Leon Panetta noted that he does not have any specific information indicating whether the Iranians have made a decision one way or the other to build a nuclear weapon.  This position reflects the uncertainty surrounding the issue and acknowledges the possibility that an order to build the bomb might already have been given.

As CIA director until June 2011, Panetta’s attitude towards that issue seems to be experienced, responsible, and sound.  Presently, Panetta’s role is to convince the White House of a more clearly-defined definition of the red line than the DNI’s definition.  It is unclear, however, whether Panetta’s judgment has influenced the President’s thinking.

The DNI’s current red line is highly undependable, as Panetta has indirectly pointed out.  The threshold at which Iran enters the “immunity zone,” i.e. when no practical surgical operation can deprive Iran of its nuclear capability, is a much more vital point on Iran’s path to nuclearization. This alternative red line is independent of the authoritative-order red line, since it reflects the point at which it would become impractical to effectively attack Iranian nuclear sites due to their number, location, and degree of protection, as well as the amount of uranium being enriched.

Israel is deeply concerned about Iran’s ability to reach the point of nuclear breakthrough, at which it would be only months away from completing a bomb, despite international supervision and efforts.  Israel’s position vis-à-vis the red line should – and is likely inclined to – adhere to the immunity zone determinant, an approach favored by Ehud Barak.  However, since the US has a greater military capability than Israe,l it can afford to strike Iran at a later date, and as a result the date on which Iran enters the immunity zone is later for the US than it is for Israel.  Despite this major difference between the US and Israel, this determinant is the paramount one.

Altogether, it appears that the boundary between “too early” and “too late” to attack the Iranian nuclear facilities is slim. The red line of an Iranian authoritative order to build the bomb is important, yet much less relevant than the immunity zone redline.

With all of the uncertainty surrounding the Iranian nuclear issue, it is essential that the United States adopt a realistic red line.

BESA Center Perspectives Paper No. 174,  publishedthrough the generosity of the Greg Rosshandler Family

Analysis: Red lines and deterrence

July 24, 2012

Analysis: Red lines and deterrence – JPost – Defense.

07/24/2012 06:52
Israel seems to be using same tactic in its efforts to prevent Hezbollah from getting its hands on Syria’s chemical weapons.

Chemical WMDs (illustrative)

Photo: Reuters

If Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu and Defense Minister Ehud Barak had a playbook, the strategy being used to prevent the proliferation of Syria’s chemical weapons would be taken straight out of the chapter on Iran.

Even if Israel ultimately decides not to attack Iran’s nuclear facilities, there is no question that Jerusalem’s saber-rattling has played a critical role in getting the international community to crack down on the Islamic Republic with additional economic sanctions.

Israel seems to be using the same tactic in its efforts to prevent Hezbollah from getting its hands on Syria’s chemical weapons. By threatening to take military action, Israel hopes it ultimately will not have to. The same has been the case with Iran.

This does not mean the threats are not real, and it seems Israel is prepared to use force to prevent Hezbollah from receiving advanced military capabilities. If this happens, however, it would constitute a dramatic shift in Israeli strategic thinking and in the metaphorical “red lines” that the country has abided by for 64 years.

Until now, Israel has been willing to go to war either when it anticipated that its enemies were on the verge of attacking – as in 1967 – or to prevent them from obtaining a nuclear capability, as it did when it attacked the reactors in Iraq in 1981 and Syria in 2007. In both of those cases, presumably the defense establishment was prepared for the possibility that the strikes would lead to a full-fledged war.

Thankfully, they did not.

This basically means that until now, Israel has been willing to tolerate a military buildup by its enemies, with a nuclear capability serving as the “red line.” However, with the threats coming out of Jerusalem and Tel Aviv over the past week, it seems the line might be moving up to chemical weapons or even to advanced and conventional missile systems that Syria could transfer to Hezbollah.

Why would these systems make a difference for Israel? With chemical weapons, the answer seems obvious – Israel fears that Hezbollah, a terrorist group, would use these weapons of mass destruction against it.

On the other hand, why did Israel not try to stop Syria, a country that has always supported terrorism, from establishing the capability in the 1970s the way it later stopped Damascus’s nuclear program? In this case, the answer might be that Syria, a state, is a rationale actor, one that can be deterred. The same, according to this line of thinking, would not apply to Hezbollah – a rogue, non-state actor.

This argument, however, might be flawed considering the past six years of quiet along Israel’s border with Lebanon and the fact that senior IDF officers publicly declare that Hezbollah is being deterred from acting against Israel today.

Therefore, it might be the case that if Hezbollah obtains chemical weapons or advanced surface-to-air missiles, the opposite will happen – Israel will be the one deterred from taking action, losing the operational freedom it has today.

Take, for example, the following scenario – a soldier is abducted along the border with Lebanon and Israel wants to retaliate. Hezbollah warns that if the IDF invades it will launch chemical weapons into Israel. This has been one of Israel’s traditional arguments against allowing Iran to obtain a nuclear capability. It is not a threat just because of the possibility that one day a long-range ballistic missile with a nuclear warhead will be fired into downtown Tel Aviv, but due to the nuclear arms race it will set off in the region and because it will impair and undermine Israel’s operational freedom.

That argument is now being used regarding Syria and Hezbollah.