Archive for February 21, 2012

Annihilation of Israel Was The “Ultimate Goal” of Iranian Scientist

February 21, 2012

Challah Hu Akbar: Annihilation of Israel Was The “Ultimate Goal” of Iranian Scientist.

The wife of Martyr Mostafa Ahmadi Roshan Behdast, who was assassinated by Mossad agents in Tehran in January, reiterated on Tuesday that her husband sought the annihilation of the Zionist regime wholeheartedly.

“Mostafa’s ultimate goal was the annihilation of Israel,” Fatemeh Bolouri Kashani told FNA on Tuesday.

Bolouri Kashani also underlined that her spouse loved any resistance figure in his life who was willing to fight the Zionist regime and supported the rights of the oppressed Palestinian nation.

This reminds me of the epitaph (“Here lies the man who wanted to destroy Israel.”) that IRGC Commander Hassan Moqaddam wanted on his tombstone. Moqaddam was killed in an explosion at an IRGC missile base.

Sheldon Adelson: All Israel, All the Time | TIME.com

February 21, 2012

Sheldon Adelson: All Israel, All the Time | Swampland | TIME.com.

(I find Newt Gingrich loathsome.  But after reading this article, Joe Klein can go hang.  God bless Sheldon Adelson. – JW)

I recently made a private vow not to use the term “Israel Firster” again, for two reasons: it’s derogatory (and it was, initially, my vituperative response to being called “anti-Israel” by assorted neoconservative blowhards) and it’s inaccurate–most of those who are, I believe, unduly aggressive about Israel’s national security believe that the national security of Israel and the U.S. are identical. But how does one describe Sheldon Adelson, who says–tongue slightly in cheek, it seems–that he could spend $100 million to support Newt Gingrich’s presidential campaign…and who also is known to have only one public policy issue on his agenda: Israel or, perhaps more accurately, a Likudnik view of Israel’s national security priorities?

Adelson compares himself to George Soros, who has spent a fortune supporting a variety of liberal causes and candidates. Fair enough…except that Adelson has only one cause and, in this presidential campaign, one candidate. His obsession is his right and, after the Supreme Court’s disastrous Citizens United decision, his privilege. But it is unseemly and potentially disastrous for the United States (and also, I believe, Israel). The effects of Adelson’s money can be seen in Newt Gingrich’s warmongering, as reported today in the New York Times:

And Newt Gingrich said at a stop in California recently that he supported Israel’s right to undertake “an operation designed to dramatically slow down or disrupt the Iranian nuclear system.”

I suspect that a lot of Israel’s recent saber-rattling has been part of an orchestrated attempt to increase the pressure on Iran to open the books on its nuclear program–and to the minimal extent that Gingrich’s (and Rick Santorum’s) statements add to that pressure, there is some value to them. But I also suspect that Adelson really thinks Israel–or, better still, the U.S.–should attack Iran, and there is no value in that, especially since many experts believe that the economic sanctions and global opprobrium orchestrated by the Obama Administration may well cause the Supreme Leader to blink soon.

The neoconservative desire to bomb Iran is obnoxious and ill-conceived but not unusual in American politics; witless pre-emptive aggression–as opposed to the justified military response to Al Qaeda’s terrorism–has proved generally disastrous since Vietnam . There are hints of a deeper unseemliness here, though.  The notion that Obama is anti-Israel, which has been hinted at by all of the Republican presidential candidates except Ron Paul, plays into a subterranean campaign by some in the Jewish community to portray the President as soft on radical Islam (and, in its most shameless form, a secret Muslim radical himself). There is a whiff of soft birtherism here–not that Obama was born elsewhere, but that his worldview isn’t quite American.

There is a certain irony in that. In the past, various ethnic lobbies–the free Chinese, the Irish, various Eastern Europeans–have pushed for U.S. military support of their causes and in some cases, like the arming of Taiwan, have succeeded.  American Jews who support our eminently moral but geostrategically inconvenient military alliance with Israel, as I do, are acting no differently. But there is a line between arming the free Chinese for their own self-defense and attacking Beijing pre-emptively to make the world safe for Taiwan. This is a line that we’ve never crossed before. I would suggest that those who want to cross that line now, in the Middle East, don’t have America’s best interests at heart and probably not Israel’s, either.

Netanyahu to Meet Harper Before Obama

February 21, 2012

Netanyahu to Meet Harper Before Obama – Inside Israel – News – Israel National News.

Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu is expected to stopover in Ottawa to meet with Prime Minister Stephen Harper before heading to Washington
By Gavriel Queenann
First Publish: 2/21/2012, 8:16 PM

 

Netanyahu

Netanyahu
Israel news photo: Flash 90

Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu will make an official visit to Parliament Hill in Ottawa on March 2.

Prime Minister Stephen Harper’s office officially announced the visit on Monday. The Israeli embassy in Ottawa confirmed on Tuesday that Netanyahu would “stopover” in Ottawa before heading to Washington.

Netanyahu is set to meet US President Barack Obama on March 5 where the two leaders are expected to discuss the “full range of security issues of mutual concern.”

Iran’s nuclear program, the deteriorating situation in Syria, and the Islamic rise to power in northern Africa – especially Egypt – are widely believed to top the agenda.

Of key concern are tensions between Jerusalem and Washington over how to stop Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons. The Obama administration insists sanctions will succeed, while Netanyahu last week said sanctions are “not working.”

His statement was echoed by a senior US intelligence official who told US lawmakers that Iran was “nowhere near” giving up its nuclear weapons program.

Several members of Netanyahu’s government – including Defense Minister Ehud Barak – are said to favor a pre-emptive strike on Iran’s nuclear facilities.

Netanyahu will also speak at the annual American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) policy conference, as is customary Israeli leaders. The conference runs from March 4-6.

Netanyahu met with Harper and Obama at the opening of the United Nations General Assembly in September.

Netanyahu’s early March visit follows a high-profile Middle East tour by key Harper cabinet ministers in late January. Foreign Affairs Minister John Baird and Finance Minister Jim Flaherty met with top Israeli financial, trade and defense officials during the visit.

The upcoming Ottawa visit by Netanyahu is widely seen as a public show of thanks for the strong support Harper’s government has shown for the Jewish state during a time when the US – long Israel’s strongest ally – is increasingly seen as unreliable in Jerusalem.

Baird in particular spoke positively of Netanyahu’s leadership and Israel’s position vis-a-vis negotiations with the Palestinian Authority, going so far as to tell officials in Ramallah that their unilateral bid for statehood at the United Nations was “profoundly wrong.”

He also spoke enthusiastically of his support for Israel at the Herziyah conference saying, “Canada does not stand behind Israel; Canada stands shoulder to shoulder with Israel.”

Baird told Israeli reporters during his visit, “whether it is rockets raining down on Israeli schools, or the constant barrage of rhetorical demonization, double standards and delegitimization, Israel is under attack.”

‘Strike on Iran inevitable’ – Hindustan Times

February 21, 2012

‘Strike on Iran inevitable’ – Hindustan Times.

Officials in key parts of the Obama administration are increasingly convinced that sanctions will not deter Tehran from pursuing its nuclear programme, and believe that the US will be left with no option but to launch an attack on Iran or watch Israel do so.
The president has made clear in public, and in private to Israel, that he is determined to give sufficient time for recent measures, such as the financial blockade and the looming European oil embargo, to bite deeper into Iran’s already battered economy before retreating from its principal strategy to pressure Tehran.

 

But there is a strong current of opinion within the administration – including in the Pentagon and the state department – that believes sanctions are doomed to fail, and that their principal use now is in delaying Israeli military action, as well as reassuring Europe that an attack will only come after other means have been tested.

 

“The White House wants to see sanctions work. This is not the Bush White House. It does not need another conflict,” said an official knowledgeable on Middle East policy. “Its problem is that the guys in Tehran are behaving like sanctions don’t matter, like their economy isn’t collapsing, like Israel isn’t going to do anything.

 

“Sanctions are all we’ve got to throw at the problem. If they fail then it’s hard to see how we don’t move to the ‘in extremis’ option.”

 

The White House has said repeatedly that all options are on the table, including the use of force to stop Iran obtaining a nuclear weapon, but that for now the emphasis is firmly on diplomacy and sanctions.

 

But long-held doubts among US officials about whether the Iranians can be enticed or cajoled into serious negotiations have been reinforced by recent events.

 

If Obama were to conclude that there is no choice but to attack Iran, he is unlikely to order it before the presidential election in November unless there is an urgent reason to do so.

 

The question is whether the Israelis will hold back that long.

 

Earlier this month, the US defence secretary, Leon Panetta, told the Washington Post that he thought the window for an Israeli attack on Iran is between April and June. But other official analysts working on Iran have identified what one described as a “sweet spot”, where the mix of diplomacy, political timetables and practical issues come together to suggest that if Israel launches a unilateral assault it is more likely in September or October, although they describe that as a “best guess”.

 

 

 

 

Obama to address AIPAC, as well as Netanyahu

February 21, 2012

Obama to address AIPAC, as well as Netanyahu.

By David Jackson, USA TODAY
By Pool, Getty Images

President Obama will address the nation’s most powerful pro-Israel lobbying group next month, a day before he speaks to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

Obama speaks to AIPAC on March 4, amid global concern that Israel may attack Iran over its nuclear program, a move that the U.S. is urging the Netanyahu government not to make.

“The president welcomes this opportunity to speak to the strength of the special bonds between Israel and the United States,” said White House spokesman Jay Carney.

Netanyahu is also attending the annual AIPAC conference.

Noted the Associated Press:

The president’s election-year remarks to AIPAC come as Republican presidential candidates question his support for Israel and his handling of Iran’s nuclear threat. Obama says he is a staunch supporter of Israel.

Obama’s appearance at the conference also comes as the international community grows increasingly concerned that Israel could soon launch an attack on Iran’s nuclear program. The U.S. is urging Israel not to take that step.

McCain decries ‘daylight’ between Israel, US over Iran

February 21, 2012

McCain decries ‘daylight’ between… JPost – Diplomacy & Politics.

By HERB KEINON 02/21/2012 21:30
After meeting Netanyahu, US senator says there is tension between Washington and J’lem over the Iranian issue; McCaine takes issue with Gen. Dempsey’s appraisal of Iran as rational.

John McCain By Andrew Harrer/Bloomberg

Just hours after meeting Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu, US Senator John McCain (R-AZ) said Tuesday there was “daylight” and “tension” between Jerusalem and Washington over the Iranian issue.

“There should be no daylight between America and Israel in our assessment of the [Iranian] threat,” McCain said at a Jerusalem press conference. “Unfortunately there clearly is some.”

McCain, The ranking member of the Senate Armed Services Committee, is the head of a five member bi-partisan senate delegation touring the region.

McCain’s comments came just two days after Gen. Martin Dempsey, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, said in a CNN interview it would not be prudent for Israel to attack Iran at this point. He also said that Iran was a “rational” actor.

McCain took strong issue with Dempsey’s appraisal of Iran as rational, saying that by pursuing nuclear weapons despite mounting international isolation, growing sanctions, and the “very real threat of conflict, it is hard to see this as rational behavior.”

“Any regime with an abiding concern for its own security, self interest and self preservation would not engage in such deeply provocative conduct,” McCain said.

His colleague Lindsey Graham (R-SC) was even blunter in his criticism of Dempsey.

“I admire General Dempsey,” he said. “But I don’t think it is helpful to say that Iran is a rational actor given their behavior.”  Anyone who denies the Holocaust, as Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad has done, and plotted to kill the Saudi Arabian ambassador in Washington should not be considered rational, he said.

In reference to a spate of reports claiming that Washington was pressing Israel not to take action against Iran now, Graham said, “People are giving Israel a lot of advice here lately form America. I just want to tell our Israeli friends that my advice to you is never lose control of your destiny. Never allow a situation to develop that would destroy the Jewish state.”

Graham referred to the current impasse with Iran as a “never again” moment.

McCain, acknowledging that he was not privy to the content of meetings White House National Security Advisor Tom Donilon’s  held here over the weekend, said there was “significant tension on how to approach the whole issue”

McCain sided with Jerusalem in the debate between Israel and the US over whether the time to act against Iran was only when the Iranians made the political decision to assemble a bomb, as Washington seems to maintain, or before they could fortify all their nuclear installations against military attack, as Israel argues.

“There is no doubt that Iran has so far been undeterred on the path of acquiring nuclear weapons,” McCain said. “So whether they actually make the decision or not, they are on the path by assembling the necessary components for a nuclear weapon, something that is unacceptable to us and must be stopped.”

McCain said that Israel “probably is most capable at determining what the threats are to its national security,” and that it was “unfortunate” for the US to try to convince Jerusalem otherwise.

Iran threatens pre-emptive action against Israel – Telegraph

February 21, 2012

Iran threatens pre-emptive action against Israel – Telegraph.

Iran has threatened to launch pre-emptive action against Israel in the event of an attack on its nuclear facilities, raising the tempo in an increasingly bellicose exchange of rhetoric with the Jewish state.

Iran 'will take pre-emptive action if feel threatened

Image 1 of 2
Mohammad Hejazi Photo: AFP

Mohammed Hejazi, the deputy head of Iran’s armed forces, hinted that Tehran could order proxy militant groups in Gaza and Lebanon to fire rockets into Israel.

“We are no longer willing to wait for enemy action to be launched against us,” he told Iran’s semi-official Fars news agency. “Our strategy now is that we will make use of all means to protect our national interests. We enjoy the ability to show them all types of confrontation in case of a foolish act by the Zionist regime.”

Iran has steadily built up the rocket arsenals of Hizbollah, the Shia militant group in Lebanon, and Hamas, the Palestinian movement whose stronghold is the Gaza Strip, after both were depleted during military operations launched by Israel in 2006.

The two movements are believed to have tens of thousands of rockets capable of reaching cities deep inside Israel.

The threat comes amid growing concern in Washington that Israel is preparing to launch unilateral military action against Iran’s nuclear facilities within months. US and British officials, including William Hague, the Foreign Secretary, have taken the unusual step in recent weeks of publicly urging Israel to avoid the use of force and instead give American and EU sanctions against Iran’s central bank and energy sector time to work.

In a sign of a growing rift with Washington, Benjamin Netanyahu, the Israeli prime minister, and Ehud Barak, his defence minister, have told US officials that pleas for restraint are “playing into Iran’s hands”, according to Israel’s Haaretz newspaper.

Hawks within the Israeli administration are believed to have concluded that Iran will soon reach a “framework of immunity” by moving the bulk of its nuclear production into underground facilities beyond the scope of Israel’s bombers.

Iran has long relied on the threat of unleashing Hizbollah and Hamas as a deterrent against Israeli air strikes. Iran’s hold over Hamas, however, has weakened in recent months with the Palestinian movement seeking to move closer to Egypt in the wake of the Arab Spring.

The Hamas leadership, which was based in Damascus until last year, shrugged off an Iranian decision to cut off funding to punish the group for condemning President Bashar al-Assad, a close ally of Tehran, for his treatment of Syrian demonstrators.

Iran has combined a mixture of belligerent grandstanding and military manoeuvres in recent weeks with a stated willingness to resume negotiations with world powers over its nuclear programme.

But as UN weapons experts ended a two-day visit to Iran, officials in Tehran insisted that the regime’s pursuit of a “peaceful” nuclear programme remained non-negotiable.

The experts were reportedly denied access to a key military installation believed to house nuclear testing equipment.

A Diplomatic Solution to the Iran Nuclear Standoff? That May Depend On Achieving Compromises | TIME.com

February 21, 2012

A Diplomatic Solution to the Iran Nuclear Standoff? That May Depend On Achieving Compromises | Global Spin | TIME.com.

AFP / Getty Images

AFP / Getty Images
A handout picture released by Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s official website shows him (R) listening to an expert during a tour of Tehran’s research reactor on Feb. 15, 2012.

Sanctions on Iran are beginning to work, goes the argument from the Obama Administration, and they should be given more time to bring Tehran to heel. The primary audience for this argument is the leadership of Israel, whom the U.S. and other Western powers are working hard to dissuade from launching a military attack on Iran. Tehran is showing renewed willingness to negotiate about its military program and this is taken, by some, as evidence that sanctions could achieve an acceptable outcome without risking a potentially catastrophic military confrontation. Whether that proves true, however, may ultimately depend on whether the players can be reconciled diplomatically — it’s extremely rare that any party to international conflict gets all of what it wants at the negotiating table unless its adversary has been forced to surrender.

 

Talks are certainly the focus of the moment. A high-level delegation of inspectors from the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) arrived in Tehran on Monday, to test Iran’s willingness to allow inspectors to visit sensitive sites and interview key personnel. Tehran’s response to the IAEA’s requests will be an important indicator of the prospects for talks expected to be scheduled soon between Iran and the “P5+1″ — a group comprising the U.S., Britain, France, Russia, China and Germany.

Meanwhile, U.S. National Security Adviser Tom Donilon is in Israel, amid Israeli media reports of tensions over public statements by some U.S. officials warning Israel against a military strike. The Israeli Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, will meet President Barack Obama on March 5, during his visit to Washington to address the annual conference of a large pro-Israel lobbying organization, the America Israel Political Action Committee (AIPAC) — an audience important to Obama as he seeks reelection in November.

But whether diplomacy — backed by sanctions and Israeli military threats on the one side, and Iranian defiance on the other — resolves the standoff will depend on all parties finding a formula with which they can live. This would require uncomfortable compromises all round.

If Iran’s expressed readiness to negotiate is genuine, the Financial Times gave warning in an editorial last week, that it becomes essential to clarify ”what level of Iranian nuclear capability the world can live with, subject to intrusive external monitoring to verify Tehran is not running a weapons program”. If, once IAEA concerns about past activities are satisfied, Western powers aren’t willing to accept Iran’s maintenance of the internationally monitored uranium enrichment capability to which the Non Proliferation Treaty (NPT) entitles it “there will be nothing to negotiate.”

Iran has agreed to discuss its nuclear program with the P5+1, although its nuclear negotiator Saeed Jalili insisted that it would do so “without preconditions” — by which he means without necessarily accepting Western demands. Indeed, Jalili promised that Iran would bring new initiatives of its own to the table.

Former Iranian diplomat Hossein Mousavian suggested last week that a plausible diplomatic solution would need Western powers to recognize Iran’s right to nuclear technology, including enrichment, and lift sanctions. Meanwhile Iran would accept maximum transparency requirements under the NPT, including intrusive monitoring of all of its nuclear work, accept limits on its  enrichment levels and on the amount of low-enriched uranium it can stockpile, and other limits on its nuclear activities during a confidence-building period.

There’s no sign that Moussavian’s views would have the support of Iran’s leaders (he is currently a scholar at Princeton University) although they dovetail with other proposals to which some of them have responded positively. Then again, Iran’s Supreme Leader remains suspicious of and hostile to the intent of Western powers, and it remains to be seen what degree of compromise he will allow. If, however, he were amenable to the path outlined by Moussavian, it could create a headache for Western powers.

The civilian nuclear infrastructure to which Iran would be entitled under the NPT framework for peaceful nuclear power (once concerns over its previous activities are resolved) would nonetheless give it the capability to build nuclear weapons — if it expelled inspectors and broke out of the NPT. The same is currently true for Japan, Brazil, Argentina and other less controversial nuclear-energy states. Iran is not currently compliant with all of its NPT obligations, of course, but it is quite possible for Tehran to put itself fully in compliance with the Treaty and at the same time retain the capability to build nuclear weapons.

Until now, the bottom line for Israel, and of the more hawkish elements in the West (particularly France), has been that Iran can’t be allowed to maintain even peaceful enrichment capability because of the dual-use potential of that technology. The Bush Administration did, in fact, vow to prevent Iran acquiring the know-how to manufacture nuclear fuel, although that was rendered moot in April 2006 when Iran produced its first enriched uranium. Still, the Bush Administration had a position that Iran would have to give up all enrichment of uranium.

The Obama Administration’s stance has been more ambiguous on whether it would accept Iranian enrichment as part of a diplomatic solution that satisfied concerns over Iran’s intent and substantially strengthened safeguards against weaponization. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton ruled out the prospect of Iran retaining any enrichment capability in July 2009. More recently she has stressed that the U.S. seeks a “negotiated solution that restores confidence in the exclusively peaceful nature of Iran’s nuclear program while respecting Iran’s right to the peaceful use of nuclear energy consistent with its obligations under the Non Proliferation Treaty.” If NPT compliance is the only benchmark, of course, Iran would be able to enrich uranium under international scrutiny once it has satisfied concerns raised by the IAEA over its previous activities.

The political pressures on the Administration are made obvious, not only by the Israeli threats to take unilateral military action, but by moves such as the bipartisan effort in the Senate to pass a resolution that would draw the line not at any Iranian move to weaponize nuclear material, but at Iran having the capability to build a bomb. That’s a capability Iran already has, of course, even if it hasn’t yet decided to use it. At a Senate Armed Services committee hearing last week, Defense Intelligence Agency chief Lt. General Ronald Burgess noted “Iran today has the technical, scientific and industrial capability to eventually produce nuclear weapons.” At the same hearing, Director of National Intelligence James Clapper told the Senate Armed Services committee that the consensus of the U.S. intelligence community remains that Iran has not yet decided to build nuclear weapons, even as it steadily accumulates the means to do so. (Pentagon officials suggest that it would take two to three years from breaking out of the NPT for Iran to develop a nuclear device that could be delivered via a missile.) Clapper said that he believed that Iran was a rational actor, and that Supreme Leader Ayatullah Ali Khamenei would make that decision based on a cost-benefit analysis.

While Israel and the more hawkish voices in Washington insist on a solution that rolls back Iran’s nuclear capacity, there’s no sign, thus far, that even the most punishing sanctions have changed Iran’s mind. Despite that pressure, Lt. Gen. Burgess told the senators “we assess that Iran is not close to agreeing to abandon its nuclear program.”

By that assessment, a diplomatic solution right now would require a measure of mutual trust (backed, following Ronald Reagan’s dictum, by verification) that has thus far been absent. Putting that in place (or even simply avoiding a dangerous confrontation) during a domestic election season in which Iran is the primary foreign policy issue, remains the most distinctive foreign policy challenge of Obama’s presidency.

 

Republican Candidates See Opening on Israel and Iran – NYTimes.com

February 21, 2012

Republican Candidates See Opening on Israel and Iran – NYTimes.com.

For much of the last year, the Republican candidates for president have hammered President Obama’s handling of the Middle East peace effort, hoping to drive a wedge between Mr. Obama and Jewish voters and other supporters of Israel over the issue of Israel’s security.

Now, the rising tensions over Iran’s nuclear ambitions — and the growing possibility of an Israeli-led strike on Iran’s facilities that could come as early as this summer — has once again brought the issue of Israel to the forefront of the presidential campaign.

The White House announced on Monday that Mr. Obama would host Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel at the White House early next month. The meeting comes amid reports that the United States is cautioning Israel against launching a strike.

A statement from the White House said the visit was “part of the continuous and intensive dialogue between the United States and Israel and reflects our unshakeable commitment to Israel’s security.” Mr. Obama dispatched his national security adviser to Israel over the last several days to discuss the Iranian situation and other issues.

But Mr. Obama’s Republican rivals are likely to try to use the White House meeting on March 5 — which comes on the day before the Super Tuesday primaries — to renew their attacks on an administration they say has not done enough to help protect and support Israel.

Mitt Romney has called Iran’s nuclear ambitions Mr. Obama’s “greatest failing” and said during a debate in New Hampshire last month that the president “did not do what was necessary to get Iran to be dissuaded from their nuclear folly.”

Rick Santorum has accused Mr. Obama of acting “naively and cavalierly” about Iran’s potential for nuclear weapons, saying on his Web site that “if Barack Obama has taught us anything, it’s that experience matters.”

And Newt Gingrich said at a stop in California recently that he supported Israel’s right to undertake “an operation designed to dramatically slow down or disrupt the Iranian nuclear system.”

Those pledges of support for Israel and criticisms of the president on his handling of Iran are likely to become ever more strident as the Republican candidates look for ways to criticize Mr. Obama’s foreign policy. The president’s support for the war in Afghanistan, his carefully managed withdrawal of troops in Iraq and his successful killing of dozens of terrorists — including Osama bin Laden — have robbed Republicans of some of their usual critiques.

Now, Republicans appear eager to use the administration’s wariness of an Israeli strike on Iran to paint Mr. Obama as a reluctant supporter of Israel’s security. Mr. Obama won more than three-quarters of the Jewish vote in 2008, according to exit polls, but Republicans hope that attacks on his support of Israel could both appeal to Jewish voters — a small but important constituency, especially in some swing states, like Florida — and to other voters who are committed to protecting Israel.

In an op-ed article in The Wall Street Journal last year, Mr. Romney accused the president of appeasing the Iranians and said that “we’ve been offered a case study in botched diplomacy and its potentially horrific costs.”

Advisers to Mr. Obama strongly reject the criticism. They note that the administration has sent Israel more money for its security than ever before. And they say the United States has led a robust effort to pressure and isolate Iran with sanctions imposed by a broad coalition of countries.

The president’s political advisers say they expect attacks from Republicans to intensify, especially after the party nominates a challenger to Mr. Obama. But they say efforts by Republicans to play partisan games with the issue of Israel’s security is dangerous given the delicate circumstances surrounding the Iranian nuclear program.

“They do it for partisan political purposes. but the unfortunate consequence may be that Iran mistakenly believes the Republican attacks and concludes that Israel is more vulnerable than it actually is,” said Robert Wexler, a former Democratic member of Congress from Florida and the president of the Daniel Abraham Center for Middle East Peace.

White House officials have not been shy about saying publicly what they are warning privately — that an attack by Israel on Iran’s nuclear facilities would be a difficult and dangerous endeavor. In an interview on CNN over the weekend, the chairman of the joint chiefs of staff, Gen. Martin E. Dempsey, said that an Israeli strike would be “destabilizing.”

But the administration rejects the idea that their military caution is a reflection of a lack of commitment to Israel’s security or its future.

“I will say that we have closer military and intelligence consultation between our two countries than we’ve ever had,” Mr. Obama said during an interview with NBC before the Superbowl this month. “We are going to be sure that we work in lockstep as we proceed to try to solve this — hopefully diplomatically.”

Mr. Wexler said the president had been far more aggressive toward Iran than previous administrations and that the sanctions by the United States, the European Union and other allies were having a major effect on the country, including a devaluing of the Iranian currency by half.

“The partisan criticism that the Republicans offer is bankrupt,” Mr. Wexler said. “I almost laughed when the president’s critics tried to suggest a degree of weakness.”

Mr. Obama’s upcoming meeting with Mr. Netanyahu will provide a new opportunity to assess the relationship between the two men, which has been rocky in the past. They clashed over the issue of Israeli settlement construction during one of their first meetings. And Mr. Obama was caught telling the French president: “I have to deal with him even more often than you.”

Still, Mr. Netanyahu has publicly praised Mr. Obama, and Israel’s defense minister, Ehud Barak, said in December that “the unshakable bonds between Israel and America and their respective defense establishments under the guiding hand of President Barack Obama are stronger and deeper than ever.”

That kind of praise is unlikely to be enough to satisfy Republicans on the campaign trail or on Capitol Hill.

The subject of Iran’s nuclear program, and Israel’s plans, is sure to come up at the Republican debate in Arizona on Wednesday, and the candidates have shown little hesitance at turning the potential crisis into a campaign issue.

Less clear is whether Jewish voters in the United States, who also have concerns that go beyond Israel’s security situation, will respond to the Republican critiques, or will be convinced that the president’s actions toward Israel are the appropriate ones.

It’s a debate that’s likely to intensify in the coming weeks.

If Israel Can’t Bomb the Iranian Nuclear Program to a Halt, What About the U.S.? | TIME.com

February 21, 2012

If Israel Can’t Bomb the Iranian Nuclear Program to a Halt, What About the U.S.? | Battleland | TIME.com.

http://timemilitary.files.wordpress.com/2012/02/target-map1.png?w=527&h=287

The New York Times on Monday spelled out just how much of a challenge it would be for Israel to try to derail Iran’s nuclear program using military force. Reports Elizabeth Bumiller:

…an Israeli attack meant to set back Iran’s nuclear program would be a huge and highly complex operation…The possible outlines of an Israeli attack have become a source of debate in Washington, where some analysts question whether Israel even has the military capacity to carry it off.

This is all part of a huge mind game designed to keep Iran – as well as Pentagon war-planners – off balance. So let’s ask the question that’s being batted about whenever a handful of military geeks have gotten together in recent weeks: how much more successful would a U.S.-led strike be against Tehran’s nuclear infrastructure?

Defense Secretary Leon Panetta has warned that attacking Iran’s nuclear sites would, “at best, it might postpone it [Iran joining the nuclear-weapons club] maybe one, possibly two years.” If he’s right – and most U.S. experts concur with his view – the U.S. probably can wound, but not kill, Iran’s nuclear dreams with military force.

But U.S. military experts say Washington could do far more to damage Iran’s nuclear program than Tel Aviv. Israel “has a much smaller air force and further to fly,” says Michael O’Hanlon at the Brookings Institution. “I worry most about its ability to robustly deal with Iranian air defenses.”

Jeffrey White, a former analyst with the Defense Intelligence Agency, says it’s not the initial punch that would set a U.S. attack apart from an Israeli one, but the ability to keep it going. “We have a lot more capability than Israel does, in terms of the number of aircraft, the kinds of attacks we could carry out, and the kinds of ordnance we could put on the targets,” says White, now at the Washington Institute for Near East Studies.

“But more important that anything is that we could sustain attacks. We’ve got B-1s, B-2s, carrier aviation, we might be able to launch out of the gulf states, we’ve got cruise missiles to knock down the air-defense system before we launch,” White says. “We have all kinds of capabilities that Israel doesn’t have.”

But an Israeli attack would not be puny — it could involve, as the Times noted, as many as 100 aircraft. “They could get enough aircraft up there to hit a number of targets,” White says, “but it would probably be a one-shot deal.”

That’s because its smaller military would have to dedicate itself to the blowback sure to come: “The Israelis are pretty creative, but my tendency is to think of it as a one-time event, and then the forces used in that operation would be reconfigured to prepare for anything coming out of Hezbollah or Hamas,” White says. “The real difference is our ability to sustain these attacks,” White says. “I’m thinking it would be an air campaign of attacks lasting days, versus a single operation.”

And it might – if the U.S. were serious about stopping Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons – have to be repeated again and again.

That’s why at least some national-security heavyweights are urging military restraint by both Israel and the U.S. “Proponents of rushing to war now, before we’ve exhausted all other options, tend to replay the mistakes made by proponents of the 2003 Iraq war,” says Colin Kahl, who until December served as the deputy assistant secretary of defense for the Middle East. “They hype the threat, exaggerate the benefits of war, and downplay the risks and costs.”