Israel debate on Iran strike gains urgency – FT Specials News – IBNLive.
Jerusalem: There is no question that gives more leaders in more countries more sleepless nights than this: Will Israel attack Iran?
The answer is, analysts and officials say, largely unknowable. It depends on decisions yet to be taken, and assessments yet to be made.
What the past week has shown, however, is that leaders in Iran, Israel and the US are approaching these decisions with a growing sense of urgency. As Ehud Barak, the Israeli defence minister, said earlier this week: Time is not simply running out – it is “urgently running out”.

Mr Barak turned up the rhetorical heat even further in a speech at the Herzliya security conference on Thursday night. Highlighting an increasingly important concern for Israel, he said Iran’s nuclear programme was fast becoming immune to military attack.
Israel’s worry is that Iran is moving more and more elements of its nuclear project into bunkers and underground facilities that will be difficult, if not impossible, to destroy. This development effectively creates a second ticking clock that is unrelated to Iran’s progress towards nuclear capability. Dealing with the programme “later”, Mr Barak said, “may be too late”.
On the face of it, the recent spike in Israeli anguish is puzzling. Both the European Union and the US have just agreed to introduce the toughest economic sanctions against Tehran so far, in a fresh effort to halt Iran’s nuclear programme. The measures are designed to hit, directly and indirectly, Iranian oil exports, the country’s principal source of revenues.
Even Israeli leaders, who have spent years calling for tighter sanctions, say recent measures are having a real and damaging effect on the Iranian economy.
Indeed, many current and former members of Israel’s security establishment seem to view the Iranian situation with greater sang-froid than politicians such as Mr Barak and Benjamin Netanyahu, the prime minister. They say a unilateral Israeli strike against Iran’s nuclear facilities is not only risky but also – at least for the time being – unnecessary.
According to this school of thought, the latest cycle of sanctions, coupled with a long-running covert effort to sabotage the Iranian programme, is succeeding. “We are winning the war against Iran – and I am more confident this year than last year,” Efraim Halévy, a former head of Israel’s Mossad intelligence agency, said this week.
New US and European sanctions, however, create risks and opportunities for Israel. Shmuel Bar, director of studies at the Institute of Policy and Strategy in Herzliya, says the latest package of measures, for all their benefits, may also have an “accelerator” effect. Iran, he told the Herzliya conference this week, may be thinking: “I have got to get to nuclear capability as soon as possible” before the sanctions threaten the survival of the regime in Tehran.
The second complication thrown up by the anti-Iran sanctions is that much of the economic pain will only begin in several months. Israel knows that launching a strike during this period would completely undermine the international effort to stop the Iranian programme through sanctions and diplomacy, and could create a dangerous rift with its closest allies in Europe and North America. At the same time, Israel is desperate not to create the impression that the military option is off the table – even for only a few months.
“The people here who read intelligence reports might think that Iran is advancing more rapidly than the sanctions,” says Yoel Guzansky, the former head of the Iran desk on Israel’s National Security Council.
Pointing out that some of the most punishing sanctions will be phased in only gradually, he adds: “June may be too late for Israel.”
Mr Guzansky, now a fellow at the Tel Aviv-based Institute for National Security Studies, says the spike in Israeli concern is fed not least by the realisation that it does not see eye-to-eye with the US, which opposes a military strike at this stage.
“Everyone agrees on where Iran is [in terms of its nuclear programme],” he says. “The problem is one of threat perception. The Americans are 10,000 miles away from Iran. This just doesn’t threaten them as it does Israel.”
Judging by the flurry of recent meetings between senior American and Israeli military and security officials, the two sides are hard at work trying to bridge their differences. Most Israeli analysts believe Washington still has an effective veto over any Israeli decision to strike Iran. What is less clear, however, is whether the US wants to exercise that veto – and whether Israel will give Washington the opportunity to do so in the first place.
One key recent change, analysts say, is that the US has largely withdrawn from Iraq, and today no longer controls Iraqi airspace. This removes what used to be seen as an important constraint on Israel: the need to co-ordinate a strike with the US military in Iraq, and create a safe flight path for Israeli aircraft en route to Iran.
“Israel would have had to co-ordinate a strike also from the operational viewpoint,” says Ephraim Kam, the deputy director at Israel’s Institute for National Security Studies. “That calculation has changed.”
Some say the recent escalation in Israeli rhetoric may be designed, above all else, to keep up the pressure on Iran to back down and on the West to accelerate sanctions. Diplomats say they have no reason to doubt Mr Netanyahu and Mr Barak would much prefer a peaceful resolution of the standoff. Israel’s fundamental position, however, remains the same: Iran’s nuclear programme must be stopped, one way or the other.






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