Archive for January 15, 2014

Iran mocks Obama, honors Mughniyeh

January 15, 2014

Israel Hayom | Iran mocks Obama, honors Mughniyeh.

Elliot Abrams is a senior fellow for Middle East Studies at the Council on Foreign Relations. This piece is reprinted with permission and can be found on Abrams’ blog “Pressure Points” here.

U.S. President Barack Obama has a full court press underway to stop Congress from passing new sanctions legislation that could — could, not will — impose sanctions on Iran one year from now if negotiations break down or Iran cheats. The idea seems to be that passage of the bill would signal mistrust of Iran, or would break the spell of sincerity being cast at the negotiating table.

But what is Iran doing while the president woos legislators? Laughing at us all. Yesterday, Iranian Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif — one of the reputed moderates in the camp of President Hassan Rouhani — was in Beirut and laid a wreath at the grave of Imad Mughniyeh.

Mughniyeh was the Hezbollah terrorist who had killed more Americans than any other man until the attack on 9/11. Mughniyeh was involved in bombing the Marine barracks in Beirut, the bombings of U.S. embassies, the torture and killing of CIA station chief William Buckley in Beirut, the hijacking of TWA Flight 847 and the murder of Navy diver Robert Stethem, among other acts of terror. He was also indicted in Argentina for the bombing of the Israeli Embassy and Jewish community center in Buenos Aires.

So what does the urbane Zarif do when in Beirut? He lays a wreath at Mughniyeh’s grave; Reuters has published the photo.

It is obvious that while we are supposed to freeze any congressional action lest we upset the sensitive Iranians, they plan to mock the president and indeed the United States. We are to walk on eggshells, while they honor a terrorist who murdered hundreds of Americans. (And more: Last week Iran shipped weapons to rebels in Bahrain.) The administration’s reaction to all this is to insist with greater and greater heat that Congress must not act, and to cast aspersions on those members who back the legislation.

This dishonors those whose lives were taken by Mughniyeh, but it does more: It suggests to Iran that the administration is now hostage to the nuclear negotiations. For the Obama administration, the talks must succeed and nothing will be permitted to get us off that track. This is dangerous, freeing Iran not only to honor a terrorist who murdered Americans and to give greater backing to terrorism today, but ultimately to cheat on the nuclear deal as well — under the logical assumption that the Obama administration will not see evidence it does not want to see and that would turn its diplomatic achievement into dust.

But the administration may be sowing the seeds that will kill its own deal down the road, if and when Iranian cheating is discovered. A weak American posture, a suggestion that no Iranian actions will be taken seriously and that the administration is totally committed to keeping this deal under all circumstances, is a formula for trouble down the road. It is exactly contrary to the message that we should be sending Iran today.

From “Pressure Points” by Elliot Abrams. Reprinted with permission from the Council on Foreign Relations.

Obama administration under pressure to release text of Iran deal – latimes.com

January 15, 2014

Obama administration under pressure to release text of Iran deal – latimes.com.

Iran

The Obama administration said comments by Iranian Deputy Foreign Minister Abbas Araqchi, left, pictured in November with Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif in Tehran, had been misconstrued and that there is no hidden plan. (Atta Kenare / AFP / Getty Images / November 26, 2013)

WASHINGTON — The Obama administration is facing rising calls from lawmakers and nuclear experts to release the text of its latest nuclear deal with Iran and accompanying documents.

The agreement, announced Sunday, lays out an implementation plan for a deal announced in November that aims to freeze Iran’s nuclear program for six months. During that time, Iran and six world powers will try to negotiate a long-term pact ensuring Tehran won’t develop a nuclear weapons capability.

So far, the text of the latest deal has not been released, nor has a separate side agreement that lays out technical and other details.

Critics fear the text of the implementation agreement may include terms that would allow Iran to secretly forge ahead with some aspects of its nuclear program while the next phase of bargaining goes on. On Monday, critics also began expressing concern about the accompanying side text.

Abbas Araqchi, Iran’s nuclear negotiator, told Iran’s state-controlled media this week that the 30-page side agreement, which he referred to in English using the term “non-paper,” contained important details on points including how Iran’s nuclear research and development will be carried out and how disagreements will be settled during the negotiations.

The Obama administration insisted Tuesday that Araqchi’s comments had been misconstrued and that there is no hidden plan.

White House Press Secretary Jay Carney told reporters the text was “documentation associated with implementation [that] tracks completely with what we have described, which are technical plans” submitted to the International Atomic Energy Agency, the United Nations’ nuclear watchdog agency. The IAEA will help enforce the deal by inspecting Iran’s nuclear sites and reporting on its compliance.

Carney said Araqchi’s comments boasting of the deal’s favorable terms for Iran were “what Iranian leaders say for their domestic audience.” The administration will work with the other five powers and Iran to make text available, he said, “but we must work with the parties on when and in what format the information will be released.”

Olli Heinonen, former chief inspector of the IAEA, called for release of the 30-page side agreement, saying that making the text public would “clear the air.”

“I don’t see anything that should block its release,” he said, in a conference call sponsored by the Israel Project, a pro-Israel group.

He compared the non-paper to a side text prepared for a 1994 deal with North Korea, which tried to restrain that country’s nuclear program. But Heinonen noted that the side text of the 1994 agreement was never made public, and “I’d be surprised if this whole document comes out.”

On Sunday, a senior administration official, speaking on condition of anonymity, had said the White House probably would agree to release some portions of the agreements. But some details of the deal, which the official referred to as “technical understanding of the IAEA,” would be kept secret, the official said. Because the IAEA deals with nuclear technology, some portions of the documents may involve material that the U.S. would consider classified.

Sens. John McCain (R-Ariz.) and Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) joined several other conservative lawmakers in urging disclosure. They said they were “deeply concerned” about reports of the side text and argued that its existence increased the urgency for Congress to adopt legislation that would impose new sanctions on Iran if it didn’t live up to the deal.

Israel’s intel succeeded where US failed on Syria nukes, Gates reveals

January 15, 2014

Israel’s intel succeeded where US failed on Syria nukes, Gates reveals | The Times of Israel.

Ex-defense secretary’s tell-all memoir details Israeli strike on Assad’s nuke facility, implies parallels with current Iran dilemma

January 15, 2014, 1:51 pm

Israeli prime minister Ehud Olmert, left, and US defense secretary Robert Gates arrive for a meeting at the Prime Minister's Office in Jerusalem, Thursday, April 19, 2007.  (photo credit: AP Photo/Kevin Frayer)

Israeli prime minister Ehud Olmert, left, and US defense secretary Robert Gates arrive for a meeting at the Prime Minister’s Office in Jerusalem, Thursday, April 19, 2007. (photo credit: AP Photo/Kevin Frayer)

WASHINGTON — The US prepared plans to attack Syria in 2007 after receiving evidence from Israel that the Syrian regime was en route to building a nuclear weapon, former secretary of defense Robert Gates revealed in his memoir, which was released Tuesday.

Israel has never fully disclosed the events leading up to its September 2007 strike against what was believed to be a Syrian nuclear weapons production site, but Gates’s memoir reveals that the US suffered a major intelligence failure while Israel brought back compelling evidence regarding Syria’s intentions.

In “Duty: Memoirs of a Secretary at War,” a book that has drawn fire for its insider descriptions of still-sensitive material, Gates reveals that the US had identified the future site of the Syrian reactor two years earlier — some eight years after contacts are believed to have been established between Syria and North Korea. The intelligence trail, however, stopped there until spring 2007, when Israel provided the US with photos of the inside of the reactor itself.

Only then, he recounts, did US analysts conclude that the Syrian facility was similar to a North Korean reactor at Yongbyon, and based on the evidence turned over from Israel, US analysts believed that the reactor would be — once online — capable of producing plutonium for nuclear weapons.

Former US secretary of defense Robert M. Gates speaks during a news conference, Thursday, Sept. 27, 2007, at the Pentagon in Washington. (photo credit: Haraz N. Ghanbari/AP)

Former US secretary of defense Robert M. Gates speaks during a news conference, Thursday, Sept. 27, 2007, at the Pentagon in Washington. (photo credit: Haraz N. Ghanbari/AP)

“Early detection of a large nuclear reactor under construction in a place like Syria is supposedly the kind of intelligence collection that the United States does superbly well. Yet by the time the Israelis informed us about the site, the reactor construction was already well advanced,” Gates recalls. “This was a significant failure on the part of the US intelligence agencies, and I asked the president, “How can we have any confidence at all in the estimates of the scope of the North Korean, Iranian, or other possible programs given this failure? Surprisingly, neither the president nor Congress made much of it. Given the stakes, they should have.”

Before and after satellite images of the Syrian nuclear reactor at al-Kibar, which was reportedly struck by Israel in 2007 (AP/DigitalGlobe)

Before and after satellite images of the Syrian nuclear reactor at al-Kibar, which was reportedly struck by Israel in 2007 (photo credit: AP/DigitalGlobe)

In a discussion that, according to Gates, “prefigured in many respects the arguments regarding the Iranian nuclear program in 2008 and later,” the second-term administration of George W. Bush was divided about how to respond.

Gates says that their “options were constrained by the fact that the Israelis had informed us of this stunning development and therefore were in a position to significantly influence — if not dictate — what could be publicly divulged and when.” Reactions from Bush’s closest advisers’ ran the gamut from vice president Dick Cheney, who pushed for an immediate attack, to Gates, who was highly reluctant.

Nevertheless, Gates did respond by asking Martin Dempsey, then acting commander of Central Command, to provide a number of military options and target lists associated with each.

At the same time, Gates argued against a military solution, leveraging a number of points that he says he listed on a piece of paper in front of him, including that “as much as US credibility on the existence of weapons of mass destruction had been limited, Israeli credibility is equally suspect, if not more so, in the Middle East, Europe, and maybe significant elements of the US public.” Gates also reiterated at least two times in the same subchapter that “US and Israeli interests are not always the same.”

Gates was also concerned that unilateral Israeli action “will be seen as provocative, aimed at restoring their credibility and deterrent after their indecisive war with Hezbollah and at shoring up a weak Israeli government.”

Gates, a former CIA official, suggested that other members of the administration — particularly those at the top — were excessively supportive of Israel. In the same chapter, Gates characterizes Bush and Cheney as “very pro-Israel” and said that Bush “greatly admired” then-prime minister Ehud Olmert.

Gates says he felt that the Israelis were pressing the US to act, perhaps even against its own interests. He claims to have warned Bush that “Olmert was trying to force the US’s hand” and told the president that “he should tell Olmert very directly that if Israel went forward on its own militarily, he would be putting Israel’s entire relationship with the United States at risk.”

The top defense official in America felt that he was trapped by the Israelis, recalling that “If we didn’t do exactly what [Olmert] wanted, Israel would act and we could do nothing about it. The United States was being held hostage to Israeli decision making.”

“I am, and always have been, strongly pro-Israel…but our interests are not always identical…and I’m not prepared to risk vital American strategic interests to accommodate the views of hard-line Israeli politicians,” Gates writes of the incident.

Gates’ account of the incident is striking for its detail regarding an otherwise secretive operation.

In his book ”Decision Points,” Bush himself recalls cagily that “in the spring of 2007, I received a highly classified report from a foreign intelligence partner. We pored over the photographs of a suspicious, well hidden building in the eastern desert of Syria.”

“Our strong suspicion was that we had just caught Syria red handed trying to develop a nuclear weapon capability with North Korean help,” he continues.

Gates’ and Bush’s accounts dovetail regarding the intense pressure that Olmert put on the American leader to pursue — or at least enable — a military strike against Syria. According to Bush, in one phone call, Olmert addressed the president, telling him “George, I’m asking you to bomb that compound.”

Gates notes that a diplomatic route with a military option proved insufficient for Jerusalem. Bush asked Olmert in mid-July to allow the US to “take care of this” but Olmert responded that Israel saw a nuclear Syria as an existential threat which it could not “trust diplomacy to fix.”

In his discussion of these events of 2007, Gates’ memoir seems to draw parallels between the outcome of the Syrian attacks and lessons for future negotiations with Iran. “By not confronting Olmert, Bush effectively came down on Cheney’s side. By not giving the Israelis a red light, he gave the Israelis a green one.”Facebook