BBC News US President Barack Obama’s vision for Iran deal – YouTube.
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(His words speak for themselves. Unrealistic would be a euphemism… – JW )
BBC News US President Barack Obama’s vision for Iran deal – YouTube.
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(His words speak for themselves. Unrealistic would be a euphemism… – JW )
Senate puts off Iran sanctions vote as nuclear talks in Geneva start – UPI.com.
GENEVA, Switzerland, Nov. 20 (UPI) — The U.S. Senate will put off a vote on new Iranian sanctions that could derail nuclear talks, senators said, as a crucial round of talks was to begin Wednesday.
“It makes sense not to add new sanctions while negotiations are going on,” Sen. Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., was quoted by The New York Times as saying after he and nine other top Democratic and Republican leaders of Senate foreign policy and national security committees met with President Obama at the White House.
At the same time, the senators urged Obama to reject any nuclear deal with Iran that did not include a tangible rollback of its nuclear weapons program, the senators told reporters.
The talks in Geneva, billed as picking up where failed talks in the Swiss city left off 10 days ago, are to pursue what officials call a “first-step,” six-month agreement in which Iran freezes its nuclear program in return for a moderate letup of economic sanctions.
The proposed interim deal has met fierce opposition from Israel and Persian Gulf allies, as well as from Republicans and some Democrats in Congress.
Under the proposed deal, during the six months, the United States, Britain, France, Germany Russia and Germany — known as the P5-plus-1 because they’re the five permanent U.N. Security Council members plus Germany — would try to work out a comprehensive agreement that would end a 10-year impasse over Iran’s disputed nuclear program.
The United States, Israel and other allies maintain Iran is covertly trying to develop a capacity to build nuclear weapons, a charge Tehran denies, insisting its nuclear ambitions are limited to the peaceful generation of electricity and other civilian uses.
“I don’t know if we’ll be able to close a deal this week or next week,” Obama told a business leaders forum in Washington after meeting with the senators. “We have been very firm with the Iranians, even on the interim deal, about what we expect.”
In return for Iran agreeing to several concessions, including halting advances on its nuclear program and subjecting its plants to “more vigorous inspections” than the inspections already in place, “what we would do would be to open up the spigot a little bit for a very modest amount of relief that is entirely subject to reinstatement if, in fact, they violated any part of this early agreement,” Obama told The Wall Street Journal CEO Council.
The administration estimates the proposed sanctions relief would be worth $5 billion to $10 billion to Iran, a participant in the White House meeting told the Times.
During the six months of negotiations, “we could see if they could get to the end state of a position where we, the Israelis, the international community, could say with confidence Iran is not pursuing a nuclear weapon,” Obama told the forum.
The most-recent three-day round of talks ended Nov. 10 after French Foreign Minister Laurent Fabius insisted the P5-plus-1 must not acknowledge Iran’s right to enrich uranium and should demand Iran end construction at a plutonium-producing heavy-water reactor in Arak, a city 185 miles southwest of Tehran.
Plutonium can be used to make a nuclear bomb.
Iranian Foreign Minister Javad Zarif said during the meeting he would have to consult with Tehran on the 11th-hour changes, and the talks broke up, British newspaper The Guardian reported.
On Sunday, Zarif was quoted by the semiofficial Iranian Students News Agency as saying Tehran now saw no “necessity” for the P5-plus-1 to recognize Iran’s “right” to enrich uranium — a core demand Iran says is “non-negotiable” — since that right is already asserted and preserved in a U.N. treaty.
Zarif said in a video posted on YouTube Tuesday the P5-plus-1 should take advantage of the “historic opportunity” to resolve the nuclear dispute.
Also Tuesday, Iranian President Hassan Rouhani spoke on the phone with British Prime Minister David Cameron, in the first direct communication between the two countries’ leaders in a decade.
“Both leaders agreed that significant progress had been made in the recent Geneva negotiations and that it was important to seize the opportunity presented by the further round of talks,” Cameron’s office said after the call.
Rice Plays Down Iran Sanctions Relief – Middle East – News – Israel National News.
By Elad Benari
First Publish: 11/20/2013, 3:46 AM
Susan Rice
U.S. National Security Adviser Susan Rice on Tuesday tried to play down the impact that a limited lifting of economic sanctions would have on Iran.
Rice told CNN that the deal being offered to Iran by the West is “a good one.”
Specifically, she said, it will roll back the Iranian nuclear program in key respects over a six-month period while increasing the transparency surrounding the program so that the Iranians “can’t sneak out or break out.”
Rice noted that what she called the “sanctions architecture” will remain in place so that the relief will be “limited, modest, temporary, and reversible.”
She insisted that the amount of Iranian assets that would be unfrozen under the deal would be less than $10 billion.
“We’re talking about a modest amount of money,” she told CNN.
The interview took place as negotiations between Iran and the five permanent members of the UN Security Council plus Germany are set to resume on Wednesday in Geneva.
The last round of talks ended without a deal after France presented a tougher position than its Western counterparts.
Rice said last week that the first phase of the deal being offered to Iran would involve six months of halting progress on Iran’s nuclear program and beginning to roll it back, while the U.S. would offer “limited, temporary and reversible economic relief” that leaves the “architecture of sanctions wholly in place.”
Israel has repeatedly warned against the deal being offered to Iran. Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu and many of his Cabinet ministers have noted that the deal allows Iran to get sanctions relief without it giving back to the West.
Israel’s warnings have resulted in a public war of words between Israel and America. On Monday, U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry said that Israel has “every right” to voice opposition to a potential nuclear deal with Iran but declared that Netanyahu’s fears were unfounded.
On Tuesday, Economy Minister Naftali Bennett told Arutz Sheva that a “good deal” with Tehran would dismantle Iran’s entire “nuclear weapon machine,” while a “bad deal” is one in which “we click the ‘pause’ button and stop the production for a few months.”
Over the past few days, Bennett has been in the U.S. where he has been speaking with media and congressmen in an effort to exert pressure on the Obama administration not to relax sanctions on Iran unless Iran agrees to dismantle its nuclear weapons program.
Israel starting to consider ‘day after’ Iran agreement | JPost | Israel News.
LAST UPDATED: 11/20/2013 00:27
Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu will meet Russian President Vladimir Putin in Moscow on Wednesday, as Israel begins preparing its “day after” scenario in expectation of an imminent interim agreement between the P5+1 and Iran.
Netanyahu continued on Tuesday to implore the P5+1 – the US, Russia, China, France, Britain and Germany – to improve the conditions of the deal shaping up. But as he did so, others began talking about strategy for the eventuality that a deal is signed when the sides meet on Wednesday in Geneva for the third time this month.
According to the general contours of the deal, Iran would freeze its nuclear program for six months in return for sanctions relief. This six month period would then be used to try and negotiate a permanent accord.
Likud MK Tzachi Hanegbi, a Netanyahu confidant, said on Tuesday that Israel would not see itself bound by an agreement that does not prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons.
But at a briefing organized by The Israel Project, he said that Jerusalem understands this is “a first step toward a final agreement, and will go forward” in its efforts to convey its concerns and convince the world of what is needed to keep Iran from getting nuclear arms.
“We are not going on strike,” he said. “We will not do a sit-in. We will be more frustrated than before, because we were more optimistic that we would be able to convince some of the countries [in the P5+1] that this is the wrong path to follow, but we will go forward in our efforts to convince as many as possible.”
Israel’s main problem with the proposed deal is that it freezes Iran’s program but does not dismantle it or significantly roll it back, in exchange for sanctions relief that Jerusalem believes severely weakens the pressure on Tehran. Intelligence Minister Yuval Steinitz said on Tuesday that in accepting this agreement, the world would be demonstrating that it “is willing to deceive itself.”
Netanyahu, meanwhile, showed no sign of letting up on his public diplomacy campaign against the deal.
Accompanying visiting French President François Hollande to an innovation conference and exhibit in Tel Aviv, Netanyahu said, “What we are seeing is the future. I think where radical Islam is trying to take us is the past.
We are for modernity. They are for a dark medievalism.
We’re for opening up our societies for everyone – men, women, minorities and the right to be different. They’re for uniform suppression [by the dictates] of a rigid doctrine, and they want to back it up with weapons of death.”
Netanyahu repeated that it would be a “grave mistake” to ease the pressure on Iran at this time. “It would be a great mistake to capitulate before Iran when they have every reason right now to respond to the pressures that have been put on them. Rather than surrendering to their charm offensive, it’s important that they surrender to the pressure that can be brought to them to have them abandon their nuclear program.”
Hanegbi emphasized the importance of Netanyahu’s meeting with Putin, though the Geneva talks are set to resume before the two leaders meet.
“Russia is a very important player, a key player, because out of the six countries [in the P5+1] it is the one with the most intimate relations with Iran. They built the reactor at Bushehr and are supplying Iran with weapons.
They are very influential. Even though it might not have an effect on Geneva, we feel the dialogue between us and the Russians on this is enormously important,” Hanegbi said.
This will be Netanyahu’s fifth visit to Russia since he became prime minister again in 2009, and he continued a dialogue with the Russians that was also carried out by his predecessors, Ariel Sharon and Ehud Olmert.
Hanegbi said that dialogue has proven effective, and pointed to the fact that the Russians have kept their state-of-the-art S300 anti-aircraft missiles out of the Syrian arena.
Netanyahu will be accompanied on his trip by Deputy Foreign Minister Ze’ev Elkin, a native Russian speaker who has served as an interpreter in the past during Netanyahu-Putin meetings.
Israel, meanwhile, was not the only actor engaging in aggressive public diplomacy ahead of Wednesday’s talks in Geneva.
Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif, who heads Iran’s delegation at the Geneva talks, issued a five-minute video on Tuesday, with subtitles in various languages. In it, he said that the standoff over Iran’s nuclear program could be solved as long as the Western powers treated Iran as an equal and did not seek to impose their will.
“This past summer, our people chose constructive engagement through the ballot box, and through this, they gave the world a historic opportunity to change course,” he said. “To seize this unique opportunity, we need to accept an equal footing and choose a path based on mutual respect.”
According to Brig.-Gen (res.) Michael Herzog, now a fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, one of the problems was that the P5+1 nations did not seem to agree on an “endgame” for the permanent agreement.
“I’m not sure the P5+1 knows where they want to go,” he said.
He noted that there was no agreement among the countries on basic questions such as how far they want to set Iran back from “breakout capacity” and whether the heavy water reactor at Arak needed to be totally decommissioned or not.
Herzog, who over the past decade held senior positions in the Defense Ministry, said in a conference call organized by the Clarion Project that there were several open issues that still needed resolution in Geneva.
The first is whether the preamble to the agreement will say that Tehran has the right to enrich uranium, as a signatory to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.
As of a few days ago, the Islamic Republic was demanding that this right be spelled out, while the P5+1 position was that the NPT does not grant a right to enrich uranium, but only the right to a civilian nuclear program for peaceful purposes. Uranium enrichment is not needed for a civilian program.
Herzog speculated that that preamble will be kept vague and say that Iran will enjoy the rights under the NPT, but leave open to interpretation by both sides whether that includes the right to enrich uranium.
Herzog said that the agreement will most likely stipulate that the Iranians cannot enrich uranium to 20 percent, but then the question will arise of what to do with uranium already enriched to that level. While the Iranians will want to oxidize it, something they can convert back if they so decide, the P5+1 wants to see it converted into fuel rods, which is irreversible.
Another major issue has to do with the heavy water reactor at Arak, and whether – as the Iranians are demanding – they will be able to continue work on the project but not make it operational for the next six months, or – as the French are demanding – all work must stop on that plant.
Finally, he said, agreements will have to be reached on the type of supervision regime to be put into place, and what kind of inspections the International Atomic Energy Agency will be able to carry out. So far, the Iranians have refused to allow inspection at the Parchin facility, believed to be where military components of the nuclear program are being worked on.
Iranian political figures, meanwhile, have lined up to accuse Paris of jeopardizing chances to reach a deal after Foreign Minister Laurent Fabius warned against accepting “a fool’s game” – lopsided concessions to Tehran.
On Monday, Hollande set out a tough stance during his visit to Israel, saying he would not give way on nuclear proliferation with respect to Iran.
His remarks received criticism on Tuesday from an Iranian parliamentary official.
“We advise the president of France to comment on the basis of facts, not assumptions, and beyond that, not to be the executor of the Zionist regime’s [Israel’s] plan,” Alaeddin Boroujerdi, head of the assembly’s national security and foreign affairs committee, told Iran’s official news agency.
On Tuesday, Iranian parliamentarians gathered signatures to demand that the government continue enriching uranium to levels of 20 percent and finish building the Arak reactor.
“The government is obliged to protect the nuclear rights of Iran in the forthcoming negotiations,” Mehr news agency quoted MP Fatemeh Alia as saying.
Sharon Udasin and Reuters contributed to this report.
Sunni-Shi’ite battles may be diverting Islamic rage from Israel | JPost | Israel News.
LAST UPDATED: 11/20/2013 06:27
“The Syrian war has come knocking on Iran’s headquarters in Lebanon, and it is being targeted directly by Sunni extremists,” an expert on Iranian politics told The Jerusalem Post Tuesday.
He spoke after a suicide bomb ripped through Iran’s embassy compound in Beirut.
“This bodes badly for Iran’s efforts to portray itself as a protector of Muslims, since it is increasingly becoming involved in a sectarian war between Shi’ites and Sunnis,” said Meir Javedanfar, a lecturer on Iranian politics at the Interdisciplinary Center Herzliya.
No friend of Israel, the al-Qaida-linked Abdullah Azzam Brigades decided to exert its energies instead on attacking the “near enemy” – Shi’ites in Lebanon.
The group has been responsible for numerous rocket attacks against Israel.
Saleh al-Qarawi founded the group in 2009. Majid bin Muhammad al-Majid, a Saudi citizen, has led it since June 2012.
Radical Sunni groups such as the Azzam Brigades detest Shi’ites in general, and Iran and Hezbollah in particular, because of their support for the Alawite regime of Syrian President Bashar Assad.
The Sunni-dominated opposition in Syria is fighting to topple Assad from power, partly because it does not see Alawites as true Muslims.
Hence, in their eyes, Assad has no legitimacy to rule.
The group also dislikes Jews, and after rocket fire on Israel that it claimed responsibility for in August, it said that it was ready for a holy war against the Jews.
Sheikh Sirajuddin Zureiqat, a member of the Azzam Brigades, at the time tweeted a link to a statement which said that Jews were benefiting from the Syrian revolution.
According to the statement, Israel and the West were giving Hezbollah a green light to fight in Syria so as to protect Israel’s security by keeping the Golan border quiet.
The Azzam Brigades is named after Abdullah Azzam (1941- 89), a Palestinian and leading jihadist figure who was close to Osama bin Laden.
According to the US State Department website, the organization was created in 2009 and is based in Lebanon and the Arabian Peninsula.
Qarawi fought against US forces in Fallujah, Iraq, working with then-head of al-Qaida in Iraq, Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, according to the State Department.
US forces killed Zarqawi in Iraq in 2006, and a US drone reportedly severely wounded Qarawi in Pakistan, with him losing his legs, a hand and his left eye before returning to Saudi Arabia for medical treatment.
Shi’ites are long-time ideological foes of Sunnis, with the origins of the clash going back to the question of political leadership and the succession of Muhammad in the seventh century.
“Therefore there are many among the Sunnis, especially the Wahhabis of Saudi Arabia, who consider Shi’a as a kind of fundamental heresy,” wrote Mordechai Kedar, director of the Center for the Study of the Middle East and Islam (under formation) and a research associate at the Begin- Sadat Center for Strategic Studies at Bar-Ilan University, in a post on his blog.
“The Saudi regime forbids the Shi’ite minority to recite the call to prayer aloud, because even in the [Shi’ite] muezzin’s call to prayer there is an extra part praising Ali,” Kedar said.
Shi’ites regard Ali (died 661) and his descendants to be the rightful successors to Muhammad.
Thus, radical Sunnis throughout the region direct their burning rage at Shi’ites, the Assad regime and their fellow Sunni opponents, leaving Israel as mostly a sideshow for the time being.
Prof. Eyal Zisser, an expert on Syria from the Moshe Dayan Center at Tel Aviv University, told the Post on Tuesday that he does not necessarily see the main players in Lebanon as interested in avoiding escalation.
“We can presume that this situation will continue, according to which terrorist attacks will be followed by a little bit of quiet and then more attacks – in short, terror on a low flame,” Zisser said.
Articles: Obama’s Iran Moves Could Start World War III.
By Noah Beck
According to a recent news report, President Barack Obama has for over a year secretly conducted negotiations with Iran (through his adviser Valerie Jarrett) and the Geneva talks on Iranian nukes now appear to be just a facade providing international legitimacy for Obama’s secret deal with Iran.
Secretary of State John Kerry’s self-contradictory criticism of Israeli objections to that deal only suggests more bad faith by the Obama administration. Kerry claims that Israel has been kept fully apprised of the negotiations with Iran but then argues that Israel has never seen the terms of the proposed deal with Iran and therefore shouldn’t question it. The Obama administration apparently wants to present the nuclear deal as a fait accompli that Israel must simply accept as is.
In what is becoming a familiar pattern, Russia is readily moving in to the Mideast areas where U.S. influence has waned because of Obama’s many fumbles in the region. Last August, Saudi Arabia made it clear that it would happily replace US aid to Egypt (highlighting one of many issues straining U.S. relations with yet another Mideast ally).
On the issue of Iranian nukes, France has effectively replaced the U.S. as Israel’s strongest ally and as the most sober-minded advocate of caution when negotiating over the single greatest threat to global security. Incredibly, Saudi Arabia is reportedly replacing the U.S. in providing logistical support for an Israeli strike on Iranian nukes.
Yaakov Amidror, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s former national security adviser, recently indicated that the Israeli Air Force has been preparing for a potential strike on Iran. According to Amidror, such a strike could set back Iran’s nuclear program “for a very long time.” So Israel can go it alone, if it must, although the results will be far messier than those produced by a stronger U.S. approach.
While the Obama administration has suggested that critics of the current Geneva deal are “on a march to war,” it is that very deal — which gives Iran a nuclear breakout capacity — that will force the states most threatened by Iran to take preemptive military action.
Even if one accepts Obama’s apparent view that decades-long alliances matter no more than do U.S. assurances, there are other compelling reasons for Obama to reverse his disastrous Iran policy before it’s too late. Granting an Iranian nuclear weapons breakout capability will produce catastrophic consequences (many of which Obama himself acknowledged, in his March 2012 speech):
1) The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) will effectively be finished. The world’s most volatile region will become even more explosive as other regional players scramble to establish their own nuclear arsenals to counter Iran’s. And rogue nations will realize that by following Iran’s deceptive playbook, they too can develop a nuclear capability.
2) The force of U.N. Security Council Resolutions will be further diluted, as Iran will continue flouting six of them with impunity.
3) Iran-backed terrorist organizations — including Hamas, Islamic Jihad, and Hezb’allah — will grow emboldened by the nuclear umbrella of their patron.
4) Terrorism could go nuclear, should Iran share some of its nuclear materials with the terrorist groups that it supports.
5) U.S. influence in the Middle East will erode even more, as Obama further damages U.S. relationships and influence in the region.
6) U.S. credibility throughout the world will plummet. If the U.S. cannot be trusted to provide strong leadership on the national security issue of greatest concern to the free world, where U.S. interests are directly at stake, what does that mean for U.S. credibility more generally?
7) Global instability and oil prices will skyrocket. If Israel, with Saudi assistance, strikes Iran’s nuclear program, the Iranian retaliation that follows could spark World War III. Will Iran attack Saudi oil fields or otherwise pour more fuel onto the Sunni-Shia fire in Syria? Will Iran and Iran-backed Hezb’allah (estimated to have at least 45,000 missiles) launch a massive attack killing thousands of Israeli civilians? Will some of the Syrian chemical weapons held by Assad (another Iranian ally) end up hitting Israel? How would Israel respond? Is this how Armageddon happens?
8) U.S. interests will be attacked. Obama may think that his policy of appeasement will shield the U.S. from Iranian reprisals, but the opposite is true. When the U.S. appears so weak and ready to abandon allies (as with Egypt, Israel, and Saudi Arabia), Iran has less fear of attacking the U.S. and more reasons to do so, as a way to exacerbate U.S. tensions with Israel.
Will attacking U.S. interests be yet another Obama “red line” that gets crossed with impunity? If so, then whatever is left of U.S. deterrence and credibility will have been destroyed. If not, then the U.S. will get sucked into another Mideast war but on terms dictated by the adversary, and without any first-strike advantage.
The catastrophic consequences outlined above would all directly result from Obama’s disastrously weak — but still reversible — policies on the Iranian nuclear threat.
The Jewish people have a long memory, and it pervades the thinking of Israeli civilians and top brass alike. Thus, Israel’s brief history is replete with daring military operations to protect its security. In Netanyahu’s speech at the last UN General Assembly, in what may have been Israel’s final warning to the world to deal with the Iranian nuclear threat before Israel must, the Prime Minister summed up — from his personal family history — the collective experience that guides Israel on fateful decisions:
“[O]ne cold day in the late 19th century, my grandfather Nathan and his younger brother Judah were standing in a railway station in the heart of Europe. They were seen by a group of anti-Semitic hoodlums who ran towards them waving clubs, screaming ‘Death to the Jews.’ My grandfather shouted to his younger brother to flee and save himself, and he then stood alone against the raging mob to slow it down. They beat him senseless, they left him for dead, and before he passed out, covered in his own blood, he said to himself ‘What a disgrace, what a disgrace. The descendants of the Macabees lie in the mud powerless to defend themselves.’ He promised himself then that if he lived, he would take his family to the Jewish homeland and help build a future for the Jewish people. I stand here today as Israel’s prime minister because my grandfather kept that promise.”
Obama should know by now that if he forces Israel’s hand, then Israel alone will neutralize the Iranian nuclear threat, regardless of how messy the aftermath may be. Netanyahu — like any other responsible Israeli leader — would rather bring about World War III than the last Israelis.
Saudi, allies boost strike capabilities with U.S. systems – UPI.com.
DUBAI, United Arab Emirates, Nov. 19 (UPI) — Amid mounting Arab concerns about a rapprochement between the United States and Iran, the Persian Gulf petro-monarchies that are Tehran’s greatest opponents are looking to acquire precision-guided weapons and other advanced systems to enhance their strike capabilities.
That has been their main focus at the biannual Dubai Air Show, one of the aerospace industry’s major showcases in the region. It opened Sunday and closes Friday.For decades, the United States has been wary of selling Saudi Arabia and its partners in the Gulf Cooperation Council — the United Arab Emirates, Kuwait, Qatar, Oman and Bahrain — such hardware.
This is largely because Washington has pledged to ensure that Israel maintains its qualitative military edge over its regional adversaries — even if some of the lines are blurring, with both Israel and Saudi Arabia finding common cause in blocking any compromise deal between Washington and Tehran on Iran’s nuclear program.
The Europeans have been less constrained in what they sell Arab states, and given the difficulties in marrying the European weapons to the U.S.-built combat jets that make up the air forces of Saudi Arabia and most of its GCC allies, that could influence the new fighters these states are planning to acquire.
That, plus the pressures on U.S. defense companies to ramp up exports to compensate for shrinking defense budgets, could be motivating a change in attitude in Washington on the unofficial ban on precision-guided munitions.
U.S. State Department officials say there’s no hard-and-fast policy rule on whether to sell Arab states powerful new advanced systems.
But it’s been noticeable that recent arms deals with Arab states in the Persian Gulf in particular have included advanced missile and targeting systems.
This is largely because Washington wants to build up GCC defense capabilities against an expansionist Iran, and the best way to do that is give those states advanced systems that will enhance their capabilities to knock out Iranian missile sites, air-defenses, air bases and naval warships.
All this ensures U.S. defense companies’ production lines keep rolling.
Middle Eastern air forces, in particular, “do play a big role in keeping things going,” Richard Aboulafia, vice president of analysis at the Teal Group of Virginia, said at the Dubai Air Show.
“They tend to have very diverse fleets with multiple capabilities and multiple arms sources and they tend to pay for the latest and the best.”
The Americans have in the last two to three years begun greenlighting the sale of missile defense systems like Lockheed Martin’s recent sale of its Terminal High Altitude Area Defense system, or THAAD, to the United Arab Emirates as part of a $3.9 billion deal.
That’s not a system that boosts the Emirates’ offensive capabilities, but it’s indicative of how the Americans are loosening their self-imposed technological restrictions because it’s in their interests to do so to ensure Iran is contained to some degree by regional forces.
Israel, too, appears to be less demanding about what U.S. weapons systems go to the gulf states because it sees Iran and its nuclear project, plus its ballistic missile program, more and more as an existential threat.
In October, the Pentagon announced sales to the Emirates and Saudi Arabia of precision systems that had long been unofficially restricted.
The $6.8 billion arms package for the Saudis, without doubt the biggest buyer of U.S. weapons outside the U.S. armed forces, included 650 Boeing AHM-84H standoff land attack missiles-expanded response, or SLAM-ER systems, that until then had pretty much been a no-no.
The Emirates deal, worth around $4 billion, included 300 SLAM-ERs, which are essentially cruise missiles.
Others systems long sought by the key gulf states may now be within reach, U.S. Defense News reported.
It said the Saudis are now hopeful a 2-year-old request for the Paveway IV laser-guided bomb manufactured by Raytheon may soon be met.
Defense News said there are still hurdles to be overcome before the approval process reaches the U.S. Congress, which must approve such sales, but there’s growing optimism all round.
If cleared, the weapons would be deployed with Tornado strike jets built by Britain’s BAE Systems and the Typhoon built by the Eurofighter consortium of BAE, European defense giant EADS and Finmeccanica of Italy.
What Happened to Bombing Iran? | The Weekly Standard.
How the “hardline” American position on the Islamic Republic got farmed out to Israel.
Lee Smith
It’s Congress’s fault if there’s a war with Iran, says the White House. Last week administration officials showed their frustration with lawmakers who seek to impose another round of sanctions on the Iranians. “It is important to understand that if pursuing a resolution diplomatically is disallowed or ruled out, what options, then, do we and our allies have to prevent Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon?” said White House spokesman Jay Carney. “The American people do not want a march to war.”
The idea is that if Congress doesn’t give Obama room for diplomatic flexibility then the only option—and Obama says all options are on the table—is military strikes. The problem is not just that no one believes Obama would actually use force, but that no one is suggesting he do so—or at least no one in Washington.
Going into the second round of negotiations in Geneva later this week, it’s difficult to know what constitutes a U.S. red line anymore. From the perspective of administration officials, as Robert Satloff argues, getting Iran to comply with U.N. Security Council resolutions and suspend uranium enrichment is a “maximalist” position. Indeed, in its eagerness to get a deal with Tehran, the White House has dragged the U.S. debate so far toward the Iranian position that the most hawkish stance is to impose further sanctions. Talk about bombing Iranian nuclear facilities is now outside the bounds of civilized discourse.
It’s bad enough that it’s long been assumed that Israel, rather than the United States, would conduct the strikes on Iranian nuclear facilities and would thereby police and protect an area of vital strategic importance to American interests. But now the U.S. debate has become so timorous that what used to constitute a mainstream U.S. position advocated even by Obama—if all else fails, attack Iran—has been farmed out to Israel.
The Iranians, on the other hand, have not hesitated to deploy the specter of their cadre of hardliners in negotiating with the Americans, taking a page right out of Gamal Abdel Nasser’s handbook. Writing in THE WEEKLY STANDARD, Michael Doran explained Nasser’s bargaining tactics: To get the best possible terms from the Americans, tell them you need signs of good faith to sideline your domestic “radicals”—i.e., regime allies who will stop pointing their weapons at the United States once Washington pays up.
Thus, in the view of U.S. Iran hands and nuclear proliferation experts, the White House can’t push Iranian president Hassan Rouhani too hard, or it will risk displeasing his “radicals,” the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps. The upshot of trying to keep Rouhani at the table, to incentivize him, is to cave to virtually every Iranian demand.
But of course the White House isn’t really negotiating with Iran—it’s voluntarily playing the mark on the wrong end of a long con. It’s not like Wendy Sherman or Valerie Jarrett or any other member of Obama’s negotiating team was ever going to use the hawkish American position to force Iran’s hand. (“Heck, we’d love to acknowledge your God-given right to enrich uranium, but we have these knuckle-draggers back home who want to bomb you back to the stone age so we better forget about that one.”) No, what’s surprising is how easily the administration defanged its domestic opponents in order to partner with Tehran.
What happened to the Iran hawks? In 2007, John McCain famously led a rendition of the Beach Boys’ “Barbara Ann,” substituting the words “Bomb Iran.” Then came the financial crisis, an Obama victory, and the new White House’s determination to have a grand bargain with Tehran. Anyone who questioned the wisdom of Obama’s enthusiasm to make a deal with a state sponsor of terror that had been killing Americans since 1979 just wanted to get a war-weary United States into another Middle East conflict. By the time of the 2012 elections, Mitt Romney was careful not to let himself be painted as a warmongering Republican.
Even as the administration moved the yardsticks on the American debate in order to get the Islamic Republic to play ball, there’s been no change in Iranian behavior. If U.S. troops were still in Iraq they’d be targeted just as they were six years ago when McCain riffed on the Beach Boys—just as U.S. servicemen and women are still being targeted in Afghanistan.
The Iranians are getting a pass now, and virtually everyone is uncomfortable with the notion of bombing Iranian nuclear facilities, due to the success of the administration’s public messaging campaign. Compare this effort to the fact that Obama has never prepared the American public for the possibility of military action. It wouldn’t be very hard to do so. A few public service announcements reminding the electorate of what Iran has done to Americans over the last 34 years—from taking them hostage in Tehran in ’79 and Beirut throughout the ‘80s to killing and maiming them in Iraq and Afghanistan and targeting them with terror attacks in Washington restaurants and JFK airport in New York—would almost surely do the trick.
Instead, the White House’s messaging campaign has been about ostracizing and shaming American “hardliners.” Blessed are the peacemakers. And anyone who wonders why we should spend American prestige so cheaply by treating with an obscurantist, anti-Semitic, clerical dictatorship that tortures and kills its own people, and has participated in a two-and-a-half-year long campaign of sectarian mass murder in Syria, just wants war with Iran.
Even if we thought it was okay to bomb regime targets—and we don’t—according to a host of administration officials, the best American armed forces can do is set Iran’s program back just a few years. Even if Obama discounted this assessment and told his military that he wanted the option of being able to mow the lawn at will—to show the Iranians that every time they tried to rebuild we destroy their facilities, crash their systems, and bomb IRGC bases and barracks until they got the picture—the Iranian people, according to some Iran experts, would rally around the regime.
Of course in the real world, people don’t rally around an authoritarian regime when its prestige project, its crown jewel, is destroyed. What happens rather is that the men of ambition and cunning smell blood and seize the main chance. Moreover, it’s the sanctions that have ostensibly crippled the Iranian economy—or, the ability of every Iranian to put food on the table—that engender contempt for America. Iranians must be wondering: Are the Americans too stupid to understand that it is not we who are responsible for the nuclear program, but the regime. Or is Obama simply cruel? From the perspective of Iranians, the end result of American sanctions is to give them a choice between starvation and taking to the streets to oppose a regime that crushed them like insects when they rose up in June 2009.
From this perspective, bombing the regime is the humane alternative to sanctions, and the only sane strategic alternative to a nuclear breakout. The White House may believe that it can contain a nuclear Iran. But once Tehran has the bomb it will own the means of destabilizing the Persian Gulf and driving up energy prices at will, a concern that is magnified if Saudi Arabia makes good on its threats to secure a bomb of its own.
But Americans will not own up to their own interests—certainly not the White House and now not even the hawks. Instead we’ve handed U.S. concerns over Gulf security off to the Israelis, like a charwoman tasked with menial, filthy work. Let Bibi scream on the sidelines that Israel is not bound by the administration’s absurd agreement, and threaten implicitly to attack Iran. After all, with the Islamic Republic saying it will wipe the Zionist entity off the map, it’s Israel that is most concerned about the Iranian nuclear program. The Saudis and the rest of the Gulf Cooperation Council states have reason to be scared, too. OK, sure, the fact that Obama is forsaking America’s 60-year-old patrimony in the Persian Gulf that ensures the stability of the global oil market and thereby the prosperity and security of America and its allies is a matter of some worry, but this is really about Israel and the Saudis. They’re the ones who are coordinating on Iran attack scenarios. Our military can only set the Iranians back a few years. We just want more sanctions.
It’s time to take back the hawkish position, what used to be the mainstream U.S. foreign policy position, and to own it. If negotiations to make Iran comply with U.N. Security Council resolutions and stop enriching uranium come up short, as they almost surely will, Iranian nuclear facilities should be targeted. If all else fails, bomb Iran.
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