Archive for October 1, 2013

Israel will stop Iran by itself if necessary, Netanyahu tells UN

October 1, 2013

Israel will stop Iran by itself if necessary, Netanyahu tells UN | The Times of Israel.

Sanctions have put Iran ‘on the ropes,’ and now Rouhani is trying to ‘fool the world’ to get them lifted, PM tells General Assembly. ‘It’s a ploy. Don’t let up,’ he urges

October 1, 2013, 8:46 pm
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu addresses the 68th Session of the United Nations General Assembly on Tuesday October 1, 2013 at the United Nations headquarters in New York (photo credit: AP/Andrew Gombert,Pool)

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu addresses the 68th Session of the United Nations General Assembly on Tuesday October 1, 2013 at the United Nations headquarters in New York (photo credit: AP/Andrew Gombert,Pool)

NEW YORK — Israel will act on its own if necessary to stop Iran attaining nuclear weapons, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu told the UN General Assembly on Tuesday.

There should be no confusion over this, Netanyahu stressed in a calm, gimmick-free address, warning that “Israel will never acquiesce to nuclear arms in the hands of a rogue regime that repeatedly promises to wipe us out.”

“If Israel is forced to stand alone” against that threat, “Israel will stand alone,” he said, though it would know that it was also defending others.

The prime minister, who a day earlier sat alongside Barack Obama as the US president explained that he was intent on testing diplomacy as a means to thwart Iran, did not dismiss the diplomatic-sanctions route. “We all want to give diplomacy with Iran a chance to succeed,” he said. Indeed, he went on, sanctions had put Iran “on the ropes.” If the world wanted to stop Iran peacefully, he pleaded, “don’t let up the pressure. Keep it up!”

But the declared commitment to act alone to thwart Iran in a last resort appeared to reflect Netanyahu’s concern that the international community, and notably the Obama administration, might not take military action in good time if all peaceful avenues failed.

Obama told Netanyahu Monday that the US was engaging with Iran “clear-eyed,” and the Israeli prime minister offered curt advice in that context. He urged the international community to deal with Iran on the basis not of the Reagan-esque “trust and verify,” but on the principles of “mistrust, dismantle and verify.”

He cautioned against the premature lifting of sanctions, set out the steps he deemed necessary to deprive Iran of a nuclear weapons capability, and appeared to differ with Obama on the extent of a nuclear capacity with which Iran could be safely entrusted. While the US president has indicated a willingness to allow Iran some kind of “peaceful” access to nuclear energy, Netanyahu warned that even if Iran were restricted to enriching uranium to 3%, ostensibly for peaceful purposes, that would still leave it the capacity to enrich to the levels necessary for nuclear weapons.

Early in the speech, Netanyahu took time to argue that Iranian President Hasan Rouhani, whose outreach to the West from the same podium a week earlier culminated in a phone conversation with Obama last Friday, was deceiving the West and had a history of such deception. He quoted from a book written by Rouhani, Iran’s chief nuclear negotiator from 2003 to 2005, and said the president had bragged about masterminding “the strategy which enabled Iran to advance its nuclear weapons program behind a smoke screen of diplomatic engagement.”

For all Rouhani’s “very soothing rhetoric,” the only difference between him and his predecessor, said Netanyahu, was that while
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad was “a wolf in wolf’s clothing, Rouhani is a wolf in sheep’s clothing — a wolf who thinks he can pull the wool over the eyes of the international community... I wish I could believe Rouhani. But I don’t.”

Netanyahu, the final world leader to address the 68th United Nations General Assembly, ridiculed Rouhani for speaking from the UN podium about Iranian democracy, when “the regime that he represents executes political dissidents by the hundreds and jails them by the thousands.”

And he countered Rouhani’s assertion that Iran had “never chosen
deceit and secrecy,” by recalling that “in 2002 Iran was caught red-handed secretly building an underground centrifuge facility in Natanz. And then in 2009 Iran was again caught red-handed secretly building a huge underground nuclear facility for uranium enrichment in a mountain near Qom.”

Rouhani claimed that Iran does not seek nuclear weapons, Netanyahu noted. “Any of you believe that?” he asked the well-filled hall. In fact, he said, intercontinental ballistic missiles, such as Iran is building, and with which he said it will bring the US into range within three or four years, have only “one purpose: to carry nuclear warheads.” Iran, he said flatly, “is developing nuclear weapons.”

Since Rouhani’s election, he stressed, the “vast and feverish effort” to reach the bomb, “has continued unabated.” Iran wants to be in a position to rush forward to build nuclear bombs before the international community can detect it and much less prevent it.” Only sanctions and a credible military threat could peacefully hold it back.

Netanyahu said Rouhani had been elected to “smile a lot,” pay “lip-service to democracy,” offer “meaningless concessions,” and “ensure that Iran retains sufficient nuclear material and sufficient nuclear infrastructure to race to the bomb at a time it chooses to do so”.– while, crucially, getting sanctions lifted. “It’s a ploy… He fooled the world once, now he thinks he can fool it again.”

In a rare play on words in an otherwise grave address, he added: “Rouhani thinks he can have his yellowcake, and eat it too.”

Comparing Iran’s weapons drive to that of North Korea, and quoting a New York Times editorial that erroneously hailed the success of diplomacy in thwarting North Korea, he warned: “A nuclear-armed Iran in the Middle East wouldn’t be another North Korea. It would be another 50 North Koreas.” Cameras flashed to the North Korean delegation in the hall, looking rather glum.

Netanyahu acknowledged that some people believe he is exaggerating the Iranian threat. “Sure, they know that Iran’s regime leads these chants, ‘Death to America, Death to Israel,’ that it pledges to wipe Israel off the map. But they think that this wild rhetoric is just bluster for domestic consumption. Have these people learned nothing from history? The last century has taught us that when a radical regime with global ambitions gets awesome power, sooner or later its appetite for aggression knows no bounds. That’s the central lesson of the 20th century. And we cannot forget it. The world may have forgotten this lesson. The Jewish people have not.”

He added: “Iran’s fanaticism is not bluster. It’s real. The fanatic regime must never be allowed to arm itself with nuclear weapons. I know that the world is weary of war. We in Israel, we know all too well the cost of war. But history has taught us that to prevent war tomorrow, we must be firm today.”

A “meaningful” diplomatic solution, he specified, would require four elements: “First, cease all uranium enrichment. This is called for by several Security Council resolutions. Second, remove from Iran’s territory the stockpiles of enriched uranium. Third, dismantle the infrastructure for nuclear breakout capability, including the underground facility at Qom and the advanced centrifuges in Natanz. And, four, stop all work at the heavy water reactor in Iraq aimed at the production of plutonium. These steps would put an end to Iran’s nuclear weapons program and eliminate its breakout capability.”

In addition, he advised against leaving Iran with a “residual capacity to enrich uranium,” because that, too, he said, could be abused to build a bomb. He quoted what he said was a Rouhani speech from 2005: “‘A county that could enrich uranium to about 3.5 percent will also have the capability to enrich it to about 90 percent. Having fuel cycle capability virtually means that a country that possesses this capability is able to produce nuclear weapons.’ Precisely,” said Netanyahu.

He urged the international community to reject any partial deals that would ease sanctions in exchange for cosmetic concessions, and only agree to lift sanctions when Iran fully dismantled its program. The world has Iran “on the ropes,” he said. “If you want to knock out Iran’s nuclear weapons program peacefully, don’t let up the pressure. Keep it up!”

Finally, Netanyahu spoke of how Israel would act if all else failed. The Jewish state “will never acquiesce” to nuclear arms in the hands of Iran, “a rogue regime that repeatedly promises to wipe us out. He warned: “Against such a threat, Israel will have no choice but to defend itself. I want there to be no confusion on this point. Israel will not allow Iran to get nuclear weapons. If Israel is forced to stand alone, Israel will stand alone. Yet, in standing alone, Israel will know that we will be defending many, many others.”

Toward the end of his address, Netanyahu turned briefly to the Palestinian peace process, promising a readiness for “historic compromise” in the cause of genuine, enduring peace. But he immediately stressed, still plainly with Iran uppermost in mind, that he would “never compromise on the security of my people and of my country, the one and only Jewish state.”

Transcript of Netanyahu’s UN General Assembly speech

October 1, 2013

Transcript of Netanyahu’s UN General Assembly speech – Diplomacy and Defense Israel News | Haaretz.

I want there to be no confusion on this point. Israel will not allow Iran to get nuclear weapons. If Israel is forced to stand alone, Israel will stand alone. Yet, in standing alone, Israel will know that we will be defending many, many others.
_______________________________________________________________________

I feel deeply honored and privileged to stand here before you today representing the citizens of the state of Israel. We are an ancient people. We date back nearly 4,000 years to Abraham, Isaac and Jacob. We have journeyed through time. We’ve overcome the greatest of adversities.

And we re-established our sovereign state in our ancestral homeland, the land of Israel.

Now, the Jewish people’s odyssey through time has taught us two things: Never give up hope, always remain vigilant. Hope charts the future. Vigilance protects it.

Today our hope for the future is challenged by a nuclear-armed Iran that seeks our destruction. But I want you to know, that wasn’t always the case. Some 2,500 years ago the great Persian king Cyrus ended the Babylonian exile of the Jewish people. He issued a famous edict in which he proclaimed the right of the Jews to return to the land of Israel and rebuild the Jewish temple in Jerusalem. That’s a Persian decree. And thus began an historic friendship between the Jews and the Persians that lasted until modern times.

But in 1979 a radical regime in Tehran tried to stamp out that friendship. As it was busy crushing the Iranian people’s hope for democracy, it always led wild chants of “death of the Jews.”

Now, since that time, presidents of Iran have come and gone. Some presidents were considered moderates, other hard-liners. But they’ve all served that same unforgiving creed, that same unforgiving regime, that creed that is espoused and enforced by the real power in Iran, the dictator known as the supreme leader, first Ayatollah Khomeini and now Ayatollah Khamenei.

President Rohani, like the presidents who came before him, is a loyal servant of the regime. He was one of only six candidates the regime permitted to run for office. See, nearly 700 other candidates were rejected.

So what made him acceptable? Well, Rohani headed Iran’s Supreme National Security Council from 1989 through 2003. During that time Iran’s henchmen gunned down opposition leaders in a Berlin restaurant. They murdered 85 people at the Jewish community center in Buenos Aires. They killed 19 American soldiers by blowing up the Khobar Towers in Saudi Arabia.

Are we to believe that Rohani, the national security adviser of Iran at the time, knew nothing about these attacks?

Of course he did, just as 30 years ago Iran’s security chiefs knew about the bombings in Beirut that killed 241 American Marines and 58 French paratroopers.

Rohani was also Iran’s chief nuclear negotiator between 2003 and 2005. He masterminded the — the strategy which enabled Iran to advance its nuclear weapons program behind a smoke screen of diplomatic engagement and very soothing rhetoric.

Now I know: Rohani doesn’t sound like Ahmadinejad. But when it comes to Iran’s nuclear weapons program, the only difference between them is this: Ahmadinejad was a wolf in wolf’s clothing. Rohani is a wolf in sheep’s clothing, a wolf who thinks he can pull the eyes — the wool over the eyes of the international community.

Well, like everyone else, I wish we could believe Rohani’s words, but we must focus on Iran’s actions. And it’s the brazen contrast, this extraordinary contradiction, between Rohani’s words and Iran’s actions that is so startling. Rohani stood at this very podium last week and praised Iranian democracy — Iranian democracies. But the regime that he represents executes political dissidents by the hundreds and jails them by the thousands.

Rohani spoke of, quote, “the human tragedy in Syria.” Yet, Iran directly participates in Assad’s murder and massacre of tens of thousands of innocent men, women and children in Syria. And that regime is propping up a Syrian regime that just used chemical weapons against its own people.

Rohani condemned the, quote, “violent scourge of terrorism.” Yet, in the last three years alone, Iran has ordered, planned or perpetrated terrorist attacks in 25 cities in five continents.

Rohani denounces, quote, “attempts to change the regional balance through proxies.” Yet, Iran is actively destabilizing Lebanon, Yemen, Bahrain and many other Middle Eastern countries.

Rohani promises, quote, “constructive engagement with other countries.” Yet, two years ago, Iranian agents tried to assassinate Saudi Arabia’s ambassador in Washington, D.C. And just three weeks ago, an Iranian agent was arrested trying to collect information for possible attacks against the American embassy in Tel Aviv. Some constructive engagement.

I wish I could be moved by Rohani’s invitation to join his wave — a world against violence and extremism. Yet, the only waves Iran has generated in the last 30 years are waves of violence and terrorism that it has unleashed in the region and across the world.

Ladies and gentlemen, I wish I could believe Rohani, but I don’t because facts are stubborn things, and the facts are that Iran’s savage record flatly contradicts Rohani’s soothing rhetoric.

Last Friday Rohani assured us that in pursuit of its nuclear program, Iran — this is a quote — Iran has never chosen deceit and secrecy, never chosen deceit and secrecy. Well, in 2002 Iran was caught red-handed secretly building an underground centrifuge facility in Natanz. And then in 2009 Iran was again caught red-handed secretly building a huge underground nuclear facility for uranium enrichment in a mountain near Qom.

Rohani tells us not to worry. He assures us that all of this is not intended for nuclear weapons. Any of you believe that? If you believe that, here’s a few questions you might want to ask. Why would a country that claims to only want peaceful nuclear energy, why would such a country build hidden underground enrichment facilities?

Why would a country with vast natural energy reserves invest billions in developing nuclear energy? Why would a country intent on merely civilian nuclear programs continue to defy multiple Security Council resolutions and incur the tremendous cost of crippling sanctions on its economy?

And why would a country with a peaceful nuclear program develop intercontinental ballistic missiles, whose sole purpose is to deliver nuclear warheads? You don’t build ICBMs to carry TNT thousands of miles away; you build them for one purpose, to carry nuclear warheads. And Iran is building now ICBMs that the United States says could reach this city in three or four years.

Why would they do all this? The answer is simple. Iran is not building a peaceful nuclear program; Iran is developing nuclear weapons. Last year alone, Iran enriched three tons of uranium to 3 1/2 percent, doubled it stockpile of 20 percent enriched uranium and added thousands of new centrifuges, including advanced centrifuges. It also continued work on the heavy water reactor in Iraq; that’s in order to have another route to the bomb, a plutonium path. And since Rohani’s election — and I stress this — this vast and feverish effort has continued unabated.

Ladies and gentlemen, underground nuclear facilities, heavy water reactors, advanced centrifuges, ICMBs. See, it’s not that it’s hard to find evidence that Iran has a nuclear program, a nuclear weapons program; it’s hard to find evidence that Iran doesn’t have a nuclear weapons program.

Last year when I spoke here at the UN I drew a red line. Now, Iran has been very careful not to cross that line but Iran is positioning itself to race across that line in the future at a time of its choosing. Iran wants to be in a position to rush forward to build nuclear bombs before the international community can detect it and much less prevent it.

Yet Iran faces one big problem, and that problem can be summed up in one word: sanctions. I have argued for many years, including on this podium, that the only way to peacefully prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons is to combine tough sanctions with a credible military threat. And that policy today is bearing fruit. Thanks to the efforts of many countries, many represented here, and under the leadership of the United States, tough sanctions have taken a big bite off the Iranian economy.

Oil revenues have fallen. The currency has plummeted. Banks are hard-pressed to transfer money. So as a result, the regime is under intense pressure from the Iranian people to get the sanctions relieved or removed.

That’s why Rohani got elected in the first place. That’s why he launched his charm offensive. He definitely wants to get the sanctions lifted; I guarantee you that. But he doesn’t want to give up Iranians’ nuclear – Iran’s nuclear weapons program in return.

Now here’s a strategy to achieve this. First, smile a lot. Smiling never hurts. Second, pay lip service to peace, democracy and tolerance. Third, offer meaningless concessions in exchange for lifting sanctions. And fourth, and the most important, ensure that Iran retains sufficient nuclear material and sufficient nuclear infrastructure to race to the bomb at a time it chooses to do so.

You know why Rohani thinks he can get away with this? I mean, this is a ruse. It’s a ploy. Why does Rohani think he – thinks he can get away with it? Because – because he’s gotten away with it before, because his strategy of talking a lot and doing little has worked for him in the past.

He even brags about this. Here’s what he said in his 2011 book about his time as Iran’s chief nuclear negotiator, and I quote: “While we were talking to the Europeans in Tehran, we were installing equipment in Isfahan.”

Now, for those of you who don’t know, the Isfahan facility is an indispensable part of Iran’s nuclear weapons program. That’s where uranium ore called yellowcake is converted into an enrichable form. Rohani boasted, and I quote, “By creating a calm environment – a calm environment – we were able to complete the work in Isfahan.” He fooled the world once. Now he thinks he can fool it again.

You see, Rohani thinks he can have his yellowcake and eat it too. And he has another reason to believe that he can get away with this. And that reason is called North Korea. Like Iran, North Korea also said its nuclear program was for peaceful purposes. Like Iran, North Korea also offered meaningless concessions and empty promises in return for sanctions relief.

In 2005 North Korea agreed to a deal that was celebrated the world over by many well-meaning people. Here’s what the New York Times editorial had to say about it, quote: “For years now, foreign policy insiders have pointed to North Korea as the ultimate nightmare, a closed, hostile and paranoid dictatorship with an aggressive nuclear weapons program. Very few could envision a successful outcome, and yet North Korea agreed in principle this week to dismantle its nuclear weapons program, return to the NPT, abide by the treaty’s safeguards and admit international inspectors.”

And finally, “diplomacy, it seems, does work after all. Ladies and gentlemen, a year later, North Korea exploded its first nuclear weapons device.”

Yet, as dangerous as a nuclear-armed North Korea is, it pales in comparison to the danger of a nuclear-armed Iran. A nuclear-armed Iran would have a choke hold on the world’s main energy supplies. It would trigger nuclear proliferation throughout the Middle East, turning the most unstable part of the planet into a nuclear tinderbox. And for the first time in history, it would make the specter of nuclear terrorism a clear and present danger. A nuclear-armed Iran in the Middle East wouldn’t be another North Korea. It would be another 50 North Koreas.

Now, I know that some in the international community think I’m exaggerating this threat. Sure, they know that Iran’s regime leads these chants, “death to America, death to Israel,” that it pledges to wipe Israel off the map. But they think that this wild rhetoric is just bluster for domestic consumption. Have these people learned nothing from history? The last century has taught us that when a radical regime with global ambitions gets awesome power, sooner or later its appetite for aggression knows no bounds.

That’s the central lesson of the 20th century. And we cannot forget it. The world may have forgotten this lesson. The Jewish people have not.

Iran’s fanaticism is not bluster. It’s real. The fanatic regime must never be allowed to arm itself with nuclear weapons. I know that the world is weary of war. We in Israel, we know all too well the cost of war. But history has taught us that to prevent war tomorrow, we must be firm today.

And this raises the question, can diplomacy stop this threat? Well, the only diplomatic solution that would work is one that fully dismantles Iran’s nuclear weapons program and prevents it from having one in the future.

President Obama rightly said that Iran’s conciliatory words must be matched by transparent, verifiable and meaningful action. And to be meaningful, a diplomatic solution would require Iran to do four things. First, cease all uranium enrichment. This is called for by several Security Council resolutions. Second, remove from Iran’s territory the stockpiles of enriched uranium. Third, dismantle the infrastructure for nuclear breakout capability, including the underground facility at Qom and the advanced centrifuges in Natanz.

And, four, stop all work at the heavy water reactor in Iraq aimed at the production of plutonium. These steps would put an end to Iran’s nuclear weapons program and eliminate its breakout capability.

There are those who would readily agreed to leave Iran with a residual capability to enrich uranium. I advise them to pay close attention to what Rohani said in his speech to Iran’s supreme cultural revolution — Supreme Cultural Revolutionary Council. This was published in 2005. I quote. This is what he said:

“A county that could enrich uranium to about 3.5 percent will also have the capability to enrich it to about 90 percent. Having fuel cycle capability virtually means that a country that possesses this capability is able to produce nuclear weapons.” Precisely. This is why Iran’s nuclear weapons program must be fully and verifiably dismantled. And this is why the pressure on Iran must continue.

So here is what the international community must do: First, keep up the sanctions. If Iran advances its nuclear weapons program during negotiations, strengthen the sanctions.

Second, don’t agree to a partial deal. A partial deal would lift international sanctions that have taken years to put in place in exchange for cosmetic concessions that will take only weeks for Iran to reverse.

Third, lift the sanctions only when Iran fully dismantles its nuclear weapons program. My friends, the international community has Iran on the ropes. If you want to knock out Iran’s nuclear weapons program peacefully, don’t let up the pressure. Keep it up.

We all want to give diplomacy with Iran a chance to succeed, but when it comes to Iran, the greater the pressure, the greater the chance. Three decades ago, President Ronald Reagan famously advised, “trust but verify.” When it comes to Iran’s nuclear weapons program, here’s my advice: Distrust, dismantle and verify.

Ladies and gentlemen, Israel will never acquiesce to nuclear arms in the hands of a rogue regime that repeatedly promises to wipe us off the map. Against such a threat, Israel will have no choice but to defend itself.

I want there to be no confusion on this point. Israel will not allow Iran to get nuclear weapons. If Israel is forced to stand alone, Israel will stand alone. Yet, in standing alone, Israel will know that we will be defending many, many others.

The dangers of a nuclear-armed Iran and the emergence of other threats in our region have led many of our Arab neighbors to recognize, finally recognize, that Israel is not their enemy. And this affords us the opportunity to overcome the historic animosities and build new relationships, new friendships, new hopes.

Israel welcomes engagement with the wider Arab world. We hope that our common interests and common challenges will help us forge a more peaceful future. And Israel’s — continues to seek an historic compromise with our Palestinian neighbors, one that ends our conflict once and for all. We want peace based on security and mutual recognition, in which a demilitarized Palestinian state recognizes the Jewish state of Israel. I remain committed to achieving an historic reconciliation and building a better future for Israelis and Palestinians alike.

Now, I have no illusions about how difficult this will be to achieve. Twenty years ago, the peace process between Israel and the Palestinians began. Six Israeli prime ministers, myself included, have not succeeded at achieving peace with the Palestinians. My predecessors were prepared to make painful concessions. So am I. But so far the Palestinian leaders haven’t been prepared to offer the painful concessions they must make in order to end the conflict.

For peace to be achieved, the Palestinians must finally recognize the Jewish state, and Israel’s security needs must be met.

I am prepared to make an historic compromise for genuine and enduring peace, but I will never compromise on the security of my people and of my country, the one and only Jewish state.

Ladies and gentlemen, one cold day in the late 19th century, my grandfather Nathan and his younger brother Judah were standing in a railway station in the heart of Europe. They were seen by a group of anti-Semitic hoodlums who ran towards them waving clubs, screaming “Death to the Jews.”

My grandfather shouted to his younger brother to flee and save himself, and he then stood alone against the raging mob to slow it down. They beat him senseless, they left him for dead, and before he passed out, covered in his own blood, he said to himself “What a disgrace, what a disgrace. The descendants of the Macabees lie in the mud powerless to defend themselves.”

He promised himself then that if he lived, he would take his family to the Jewish homeland and help build a future for the Jewish people. I stand here today as Israel’s prime minister because my grandfather kept that promise.

And so many other Israelis have a similar story, a parent or a grandparent who fled every conceivable oppression and came to Israel to start a new life in our ancient homeland. Together we’ve transformed a bludgeoned Jewish people, left for dead, into a vibrant, thriving nation, a defending itself with the courage of modern Maccabees, developing limitless possibilities for the future.

In our time the Biblical prophecies are being realized. As the prophet Amos said, they shall rebuild ruined cities and inhabit them. They shall plant vineyards and drink their wine. They shall till gardens and eat their fruit. And I will plant them upon their soil never to be uprooted again.

[Repeates paragraph in Hebrew.]

Ladies and gentlemen, the people of Israel have come home never to be uprooted again.

Netanyahu: Rohani is wolf in sheep’s clothing

October 1, 2013

Netanyahu: Rohani is wolf in sheep’s clothing – Israel News, Ynetnews.

‘Israel will never acquiesce to nuclear arms in the hands of a rogue regime that promises to wipe us out’

Ynet

Published: 10.01.13, 18:55 / Israel News

Netanyahu’s full speech

Addressing the UN General Assembly, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said: “Ahmadinejad was a wolf in wolf’s clothing, Rohani is a wolf in sheep’s clothing. A wolf who thinks he can pull the wool over the eyes of the international community, but like everyone else, I wish we could believe Rohani’s words, but we must focus on Iran’s actions,” Netanyahu said.

He noted that the only way to peacefully stop Iran from developing nuclear weapons is to combine tough sanctions with a credible military threat and that if the State of Israel were forced to stand alone against Iran “it will stand alone.”

The prime minister noted he wished he could believe Iranian President Hassan Rohani, but does not. “Presidents of Iran have come and gone, but they’ve all served that same unforgiving creed, that creed that is espoused and enforced by the real power, Ayatollah Khomeini and today, Khamenei,” he said.

Netanyahu at UN (Photo: AFP)

“Don’t let up the pressure (on Iran),” Netanyahu told the UN General Assembly, adding that the only deal that could be made with Iran’s Rohani was one that “fully dismantles Iran’s nuclear weapons program.”

The prime minister said the threat of a nuclear Iran posed a risk to the State of Israel: “We are an ancient people, we date back nearly 4,000 years. We’ve overcome adversity, and established a state in our ancestral homeland. Today our hope for a future is challenged by a nuclear Iran.”

He accused Iran of attempting to build nuclear weapons, and of attempting to lull the world by saying it’s nuclear program is for peaceful purposes.

As for the issue of a Palestinian state, the prime minister noted the Palestinians must recognize the Jewish State, the protection of which, he stressed, would stay the top priority in any negotiation with the Palestinians.

Allies divided

As Washington and Tehran seek detente, Israel and the United States remain divided over the Iranian nuclear issue, commentators say, despite efforts to play down their differences.

Washington has long insisted on sanctions and diplomatic efforts to pressure Tehran over its atomic program, which the West and Israel allege is aimed at producing a nuclear bomb and which Iran denies.

For its part, Israel has repeatedly advocated military force and has threatened unilateral strikes against the Islamic republic.

On Monday, US President Barack Obama met Prime Minister Netanyahu at the White House, and said military force was still an option.

And Netanyahu suggested that, for now, he accepted US diplomatic efforts with Iran.

The White House meeting came only days after Obama’s historic telephone conversation with Iranian President Hassan Rohani spurred hopes for a breakthrough in the 30-year estrangement between Washington and Tehran.

But Monday’s seemingly reassuring dialogue belied acute differences between the United States and Israel over how to approach an Iran that has been reaching out to the Western world, observers said.

AFP contributed to this report

Report: Islamic law banning nuclear weapons a hoax

October 1, 2013

Israel Hayom | Report: Islamic law banning nuclear weapons a hoax.

Khamenei’s fatwa banning nuclear weapons use reportedly a “deception” • MEMRI founder: “It is a lie from the Iranians. … It is tragic that President Obama has endorsed it”

Eli Leon and Israel Hayom Staff

Ayatollah Ali Khamenei’s alleged edict against nuclear weapons may not exist

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Photo credit: AFP

Israel must be open to deal with Iran, says former intelligence chief

October 1, 2013

Israel Hayom | Israel must be open to deal with Iran, says former intelligence chief.

“We mustn’t appear to the world as capable only of a military solution,” says Amos Yadlin, now executive director of National Security Studies Institute • Yadlin advises PM to avoid getting in the way of a potential agreement between the U.S. and Iran.

Israel Hayom Staff

Israel shouldn’t oppose an agreement that would resolve the Iranian nuclear dispute, says INSS Executive Director Amos Yadlin

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Photo credit: Yoav Ari Dudkevitch

A compromise among friends

October 1, 2013

Israel Hayom | A compromise among friends.

Dan Margalit

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu clearly did not emerge from his meeting with U.S. President Barack Obama with everything he wanted. But he knew ahead of time that this would be the case.

As Maj. Gen. (res.) Amos Yadlin said on Monday night, the U.S. and Israel have a shared understanding of intelligence and a joint goal of preventing Iran from going nuclear, but they differ in their risk assessments. For Israel, the situation is colored by the trauma of the Holocaust, Yadlin told Channel 1’s Liat Regev, while the U.S. carries memories of its Middle East wars.

The essence of the difference is that Israel does not need to re-examine Iran’s words to know that the ayatollahs still seek its destruction, while the U.S. and Europe are ready to give Iranian President Hasan Rouhani another chance. Despite their divergent outlooks, which may be manifested in future disagreements, Obama and Netanyahu were not only able to avoid a rift, but also formulated a position that included compromises on two issues:

• The siege of economic sanctions on Iran will not be lifted prematurely. The sanctions effort, encouraged by Israel and led by the U.S., and which had to be forced to a certain degree on the rest of the world, is key to increasing the chances that Iran will agree to give up its pursuit of nuclear weapons. This issue has numerous facets. On negotiations with Iran, U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry said a “bad deal is worse than no deal.” There could be a debate in the future about what constitutes a “bad deal.” In Israel’s view, a “bad deal” would be one in which sanctions were partially lifted in exchange for a minimal reduction of centrifuge activity.

• The military option exists. Obama reiterated this, which allowed Netanyahu to relax. On this matter, Yadlin noted on Monday that Israel has the capability to independently strike Iran’s nuclear program, even without a green light from the U.S., but that it would need American support in the years following a strike. The chances of getting this support would depend on whether Obama felt Israel had no choice but to act. This is why Israel must accept America’s current diplomatic effort with Iran.

At this point, Obama and Netanyahu have an interest in joining forces for the arduous diplomatic campaign ahead. They need this not only for their own countries, but also so they will be able to overcome the inevitable hesitation of some European nations. Israel would be right to hope that the U.S. would conduct negotiations with Iran without the active participation of its allies. This will clarify the situation.

Does Netanyahu view the situation in a positive light? He will have several opportunities to answer this during his current trip to the U.S. His most prominent podium will be at the U.N. General Assembly, where he will deliver an address on Tuesday. It would be worthwhile for Netanyahu to update his speech based on his meeting with Obama.

On Capitol Hill, the prime minister will be greeted by senators and congressmen who have displayed great resoluteness toward Iran. Netanyahu will also conduct interviews with American media outlets, which have been thrilled with Rouhani’s words. He will have to go against the fashionable trend and dampen the media’s enthusiasm.

A carefully crafted US-Israel message on Iran

October 1, 2013

A carefully crafted US-Israel message on Iran | JPost | Israel News.

LAST UPDATED: 10/01/2013 02:06
Netanyahu and Obama’s meeting Monday, shows Rouhani did not drive a wedge on the nuclear issue between the two leaders and despite recent diplomatic developments the US and Israel remain on the same page.

Prime Minister Netanyahu and US President Obama meet at the Oval Office, September 30, 2013.

Prime Minister Netanyahu and US President Obama meet at the Oval Office, September 30, 2013. Photo: Koby Gideon/GPO

US President Barack Obama and Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu know well how to use their meetings to make their displeasure over various issues known to one another and to the world.

Obama did this during his very first meeting as president with Netanyahu in May 2009, when he blindsided the newly elected prime minister during their joint statements with a demand for a settlement freeze. He did it again in March 2010, soon after the blowup over the announcement to build in Jerusalem’s Ramat Shlomo neighborhood during Vice President Joe Biden’s visit, when he did not allow non-official photographers to record their meeting, and issued no statement afterward.

Then in May 2011 it was Netanyahu’s turn. During the joint statement in the Oval Office following that meeting, Netanyahu “lectured” the president about exactly why it was impossible for Israel to return to the “indefensible” pre-1967 lines, which Obama had called for the day before, albeit, with mutually agreed land swaps.

When they want the world or their constituents to see discord, they know very well how to do so. On Monday it was crystal clear that they had no interest in doing so.

What emerged from their brief joint appearance after Monday’s meeting was an obvious effort to publicly play down any differences about Iran.

Although the statements at these events are always made with the leaders sitting casually in comfortable chairs, their words are not off-the-cuff remarks. Rather, they are carefully thought out and crafted beforehand.

Obama, in his remarks, sent a message that, yes, the US was well aware of what Netanyahu has been warning ever since Iranian President Hassan Rouhani’s election victory in June, that what was important were actions, not words.

“Given the statements and actions from the Iranian regime in the past, the threats against Israel, the acts against Israel, it is absolutely clear that words are not sufficient,” Obama said, adding that “we have to have actions that give the international community confidence that in fact they are meeting their international obligations fully and that they are not in a position to have a nuclear weapon.”

“We enter into these negotiations very clear-eyed,” he said. “They will not be easy, and anything that we do will require the highest standards of verification in order for us to provide the sort of sanctions relief that I think they are looking for.” And, he added, “as president of the United States, I’ve said before, and I will repeat that we take no options off the table, including military options, in terms of making sure that we do not have nuclear weapons in Iran that would destabilize the region and potentially threaten the United States of America.”

Those words were meant to soothe Netanyahu’s concerns, first by assuring him – and all those listening – that the US was “clear eyed” about Rouhani, and would not be taken in by his “charm offensive,” and secondly by stressing that “all options are still on the table.”

In the past the “all options are on the table” line lost much of its punch because it was repeated so often that it seemed almost a throw-away line.

But this was the first time since Rouhani’s trip to the US and Washington’s outreach to Iran that these words have been repeated by Obama. Israel was itching to hear them, and was disappointed that Obama did not repeat the mantra during his speech to the UN last week.

These words are important for Jerusalem not because it is longing – as some argue – for a US military strike on Iran, but rather because of the firm belief that Iran – as Syria did with its chemical weapons arsenal – will only back down if it believes that if it does not, it will face military action.

Netanyahu’s words, as well, were indicative of an attempt to emphasize the agreements on Iran, rather than underline the disagreements.

He tellingly did not come out at all against a US-Iranian dialogue, or against the seeds of a new, more open policy toward Iran that were planted in Washington last week.

Rather, Netanyahu expressed his appreciation for the work that has been done to place the sanctions regime on Iran, and said he appreciated Obama’s comments “that Iran’s conciliatory words have to be matched by real actions – transparent, verifiable, meaningful actions.”

Tehran was listening carefully to the words spoken Monday in the Oval Office. And the message that Obama and Netanyahu wanted it, as well as the rest of the world, to hear was that on Iran’s nuclear issue, the US and Israel – despite the dramatic developments of the last week and a half – remain on the same page.

Some argue that Netanyahu went to the US this week to try and drive a wedge between Rouhani and Obama. The tone and tenor of Monday’s comments indicate that what truly happened was that Rouhani, at least when it comes to the nuclear issue, has failed to drive a wedge between Obama and Netanyahu.

Iran Staggers as Sanctions Hit Economy – NYTimes.com

October 1, 2013

Iran Staggers as Sanctions Hit Economy – NYTimes.com.

Kaveh Kazemi

A currency exchange office in Tehran displaying rates in a window. Sanctions over nuclear efforts have starved Iran of cash.

TEHRAN — The owner of a bus manufacturing company here admits that he is a man who likes his routines, and so every day he continues to commute to his downtown office. There he orders cups of tea, barks orders to his factory foremen over the phone and signs a steady flow of papers his employees put on his desk.

“It looks like I’m working, right?” the owner, Bahman Eshghi, said, folding his hands. “No. In reality I am praying, either for a miracle to save our economy or for a fool to come in and buy my factory.”

For years, Iran’s leaders have scoffed at Western economic sanctions, boasting that they could evade anything that came their way. Now, as they seek to negotiate a deal on their nuclear program, the leaders are acknowledging that sanctions, particularly those applied in 2010 on international financial transactions, are creating a hard-currency shortage that is bringing the country’s economy to its knees.

This was evident in New York last week when Iran’s new president, Hassan Rouhani, emphasized the need to act swiftly to resolve the standoff over Iran’s nuclear program, perhaps in three to six months. While there may well be political reasons for him to be in a hurry, Mr. Rouhani and other officials admitted that the sanctions were hurting.

In repeated meetings during the week, Mr. Rouhani and his foreign minister, Mohammad Javad Zarif, said the government’s financial condition was far more dire than the previous president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, had let on.

Mr. Rouhani and Mr. Zarif did not publicly specify the severity of the cash squeeze. But Western economists believe the crisis point may be much closer than previously thought, perhaps a matter of months. Iran news outlets have reported that the government owes billions of dollars to private contractors, banks and municipalities.

Because of the sanctions, oil sales, which account for 80 percent of the government’s revenue, have been cut in half. While Mr. Ahmadinejad had asserted that Iran had $100 billion in foreign exchange reserves, the total had shrunk to $80 billion by mid-2013, according to a new study by Roubini Global Economics, a research firm based in New York, and the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, a Washington group that advocates strong sanctions against Iran.

But even that vastly overstates the amount readily available to Iran. Three-quarters of the $80 billion is tied up in escrow accounts in countries that buy Iranian oil — the result of an American sanctions law that took effect in February. Under that law, the money can be spent only to buy products from those countries.

Even gaining access to the remaining $20 billion is difficult — it has to be physically moved in cash because of Iran’s expulsion from the global banking network known by its acronym Swift, which had allowed the money to be transmitted electronically.

“They can’t repatriate the money back to Iran,” said Mark Dubowitz, the executive director of the Foundation for Defense of Democracies. “This is the dilemma Iran finds itself in.”

The sanctions pose other problems. Unable to arrange simple financing for business deals, executives are forced to transfer suitcases of cash through street-level money changers to shady bankers abroad. This is not only costly, with middlemen exacting fees every step of the way, but also dangerous, the cash making a tempting target for thieves.

Lower-level officials here and businesspeople are even more alarmed than the leadership, with some saying Iran’s economy is already on the verge of collapse.

The frustrations encountered by Mr. Eshghi (pronounced Esh-REE) in trying to conduct normal business deals are by all accounts typical.

A self-made entrepreneur, Mr. Eshghi, 43, said he had enough savings to scrape by for four more months. After that, if nothing changes, he said, he will have to make the difficult drive to the poor city of Malayer and tell his remaining 100 employees — out of 200 a few years ago — that he is closing the factory. The sanctions have so increased the cost of doing business that he is losing money on every bus the factory turns out, he said.

“Like a camel can survive in the desert on the fat in his hump, I have survived on my savings in recent years,” Mr. Eshghi said. “But now the end is near. I’m giving up.”

Before the sanctions were imposed, Mr. Eshghi, whose thick hair has grayed since he started his business in 2005, would walk to the bank just around the corner from his office. There he would sign a letter of credit to buy parts from China, pay a small portion of his order up front, have tea with the clerk and be back behind his desk in less than an hour.

But things are far more complicated these days. When he wants to order components for his buses now, Mr. Eshghi has to follow a long, complicated and sometimes dangerous procedure.

His partner in China also works with European carmakers, who might drop him as a supplier if they know he is dealing with an Iranian, and is scared to death that “the Americans” will find out and punish him with high fines. “They treat me like a mistress they have to keep secret,” Mr. Eshghi said.

To avoid detection, his partner works through a third party. “Let’s call this middleman Mr. Chen,” said Mr. Eshghi. “Mr. Chen says, ‘No letter of credit,’ because the Americans have already fined the only bank willing to work with Iran in China, the Bank of Kunlun.”

So Mr. Eshghi, without any bank credit, must pay the banker all the money up front, through a bank in Dubai, where his wife and children have moved. First, he needs to gather all the cash rials, Iran’s currency, and give them to a money-changer. The money-changers then send the cash through couriers to partners in other countries who have stepped in to fill the void, asking up to 10 percent in transfer fees.

“Just last week one of these money-changers disappeared into thin air, stealing around $160,000 from me,” Mr. Eshghi said, lifting his hands in the air in a sign of desperation.

Barring theft, the payment slowly makes its way to the banker in China, who also takes a cut. Only then will the Chinese company begin to fill Mr. Eshghi’s order. “They promise loading in 10 days, but take two months.”

When the shipment finally arrives at the factory, “there are lots of issues,” Mr. Eshghi said, saying he felt he was losing on all sides. If the products are late or defective, he said, there is not much he can do about it. “What do I do? Send it back? That’s impossible,” he said. “I have to trust everybody and take all the risks.”

In July, he joked, he “nearly had a heart attack” when he found out that President Obama had imposed sanctions against any company working with Iran’s automotive industry. “That’s me,” he said. “I feed 100 families in a city where nobody has work. Is Mr. Obama waging economic war on our leaders or on us?”

Businesspeople in Iran have seen this coming and have been adapting, said one economic analyst, who asked not to be named to avoid trouble with the government. “But the government is slow and way too optimistic in their predictions,” the analyst said. “Now they are starting to feel the full force of what has been unleashed on them.”

The sanctions have introduced numerous distortions into everyday life. For example, Iran is allowed to use money it earns from oil sales only to buy products from the purchasing country. As a result, Iranian supermarkets are filled with low-quality Chinese products, while several infrastructure projects are being built by Chinese companies, rather than Iranian.

“We don’t have an oil-for-food program like Iraq,” the analyst said. “We have an oil-for-junk program.”

One economist, Mohammad Sadegh Jahansefat, said the government had been taken hostage by countries benefiting from the sanctions — particularly China, which he called the worst business partner Iran had ever had.

“China has monopolized our trade — we are subsidizing their goods, which we are forced to import,” he said, adding of its work in the energy industry, “They destroy local production and leave oil and gas projects unfinished so that no one can work with them.”

The state’s dire financial straits are especially tough on contractors and their workers. Akbar, 50, a building contractor from Isfahan, said a big state foundation had not paid $40,000 it owed him. “I will never again work for the state,” he said. “We just can’t trust they will pay up.”

Iranian business families are used to dealing with the roller coaster that Iran’s economy is. Patience is key, said Ali Khalilpour, 34, who operates a chain of sports apparel stores with his father. “We have fired many people, lost dozens of stores and lots of money following the collapse of the national currency,” he said.

There were times when the rial would fall 20 percent in value in a few months while the Khalilpours owed the equivalent of millions of dollars to Western sports brands in Dubai. They were forced to absorb the loss.

“It’s is hard, but some things are beyond your control,” Mr. Khalilpour said, before finding a silver lining.

Most of his competitors have gone bankrupt, he said, leaving the field to his family.

“We have faith that good times are finally coming to this country,” He said. “When they come, we will be the biggest player in the market.”

Rick Gladstone contributed reporting from New York.

Netanyahu calls on senators to keep up pressure on Iran

October 1, 2013

Netanyahu calls on senators to keep up pressure on Iran | The Times of Israel.

Prime minister meets with Senate Foreign Affairs Committee after Obama talk; hosts farewell ceremony for Michael Oren

October 1, 2013, 8:40 am
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and outgoing Ambassador Michael Oren meeting with members of the Senate Foreign Affairs Committee Monday evening, September 30, in Washington, DC. (photo credit: GPO/ Koby Gidon)

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and outgoing Ambassador Michael Oren meeting with members of the Senate Foreign Affairs Committee Monday evening, September 30, in Washington, DC. (photo credit: GPO/ Koby Gidon)

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu met with members of the Senate Foreign Affairs Committee Monday evening, thanking them for their support of bills sanctioning Iran for their nuclear program, and urging them to continue to pressure the Islamic Republic.

Netanyahu also informed the senators that he told US President Barack Obama in their meeting earlier in the day that it was the sanctions that brought Iran to the negotiating table.

The bipartisan group struck a positive tone after the meeting, agreeing with the prime minister that tough sanctions are crucial to any chance of diplomatic success, The Hill reported.

“Diplomacy without pressure is probably a futile exercise,” Lindsey Graham (R-SC) said. “He believes the sanctions are working, and I agree.”

“He just said basically that he believes in the importance that there be cost if Iran continues its nuclear program,” Ben Cardin (D-Md) said . “What we’re doing now he strongly thanked us for and said it’s having an impact and making it possible for us to negotiate.”

Robert Menendez (D-NJ), who heads the panel, said senators were united in hoping for a diplomatic resolution to the crisis, “but resolute that US national security objectives can never be compromised.”

“Our resolve to prevent Iran from achieving a nuclear weapons capability remains unchanged and we will not hesitate from proceeding with further sanctions and other options to protect US interests and ensure regional security,” Menendez said in a statement after the meeting. “While we welcome Iran’s diplomatic engagement, it cannot be used to buy time, avoid sanctions, and continue the march toward nuclear weapons capability. Compliance with the UN Security Council resolutions will be the ultimate test of Iran’s intentions. We proceed with an open hand, and an open mind, but remain clear-eyed that Iran must align its actions with its rhetoric.”

Earlier in the day, Obama assured Netanyahu in a White House meeting that the US remains committed to preventing Iran from attaining nuclear weapons, is keeping the military option on the table, and will not reduce sanctions unless or until it is clear that Iran is taking verifiable actions to match its purported willingness for progress.

Netanyahu, for his part, told the president he appreciated the reiteration of that commitment to stop Iran, and advised that “sanctions should be strengthened” if Iran continues to move ahead toward the bomb. Iran, Netanyahu told Obama in their joint media appearance at the Oval Office, remains bent on the destruction of Israel.

The White House meeting marked the first time the two leaders had sat together since Obama’s visit to Israel in March. More relevantly, it marked their first personal contact since Obama and his Iranian counterpart, Rouhani, spoke by telephone over the weekend. Israel was informed prior to the conversation, but not consulted on the content, Israeli sources said.

After meeting Obama, Netanyahu attended a farewell ceremony for outgoing US Ambassador Michael Oren, at which he thanked Oren for his service. House Majority Leader Eric Cantor, Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi, Majority Whip Kevin McCarthy, and Minority Leader Steny Hoyer all spoke at the event.

Raphael Ahren contributed to this report.

Experts: Iran on verge of collapse in light of economic sanctions

October 1, 2013

Experts: Iran on verge of collapse in light of economic sanctions – Israel News, Ynetnews.

Research shows sanctions take toll on Iran, which is in worse economic condition than presented, claim regime may lose foreign-exchange reserves. Iranian executive already unable to make transactions

Yitzhak Benhorin

Published: 10.01.13, 11:33 / Israel News

Iran low on foreign-exchange reserves: Nine months ago, Iran had $90 billion in foreign-exchange reserves, according to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the Wall Street Journal; experts estimate that today Iran is left with no more than $70 billion.

Mark Dubowitz of the Foundation for Defense of Democracies claims that on paper, Iran is left with $50 billion, yet in practice Iran may have access to as little as $15 billion, that “may cover as little as three months of imports.”

In any case, Iran is just a few months away from losing access to foreign currency, which would explain the great effort by President Hassan Rohani, with the approval of Ali Khamenei, to promote an agreement with the US and the West.

While Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said to US President Barack Obama and administration officials that the sanctions against Iran must be increased since only an economic collapse will lead it to withdraw its nuclear program, the White House is concerned that increasing economic pressure at this time may weaken Rohani and strengthen hard-liners in Tehran.

Iranian attempt to forgo sanctions (Photo: AP)
Iranian attempt to forgo sanctions (Photo: AP)

 The New York Times also wrote about Iran’s great distress in regards to foreign currency, following the difficult sanctions posed by the Obama administration. The paper published interviews with dispirited Iranian businessmen, and quoted Western economists who believe that the breaking-point is closer than estimated in the past, and only a few months away.

Iranian media is reporting that the government owes billions of dollars to contactors, banks and municipalities across the country. In light of the sanctions, oil profits, which account for 80% of government revenue, were reduced by half.

Research performed by the New York-based Roubini Global Economics and the Washington-based Foundation for Defense of Democracies revealed that Iran’s foreign currency has reduced in the last summer to $80 million. But three-quarters of this amount is deposited in third-country accounts that buy Iranian oil. Because of the hardening of the US sanctions, which took effect in February, the money can only be used to purchase products within these countries, and cannot be used to repay debts to Iran.

According to the New York Times, even gaining access to the remaining $20 billion is difficult – it has to be physically moved in cash because of Iran’s expulsion from the global banking network known by its acronym Swift, which had allowed the money to be transmitted electronically. “They can’t repatriate the money back to Iran,” said Mark Dubowitz.

The result: Iranian businessmen cannot make transactions through banks and are forced to transfer suitcases of cash through street-level money changers to shady bankers abroad. This is not only costly, with middlemen exacting fees every step of the way, but also dangerous, the cash making a tempting target for thieves.

The New York Times writes lower-level officials and businesspeople are even more alarmed than the leadership, with some saying Iran’s economy is already on the verge of collapse.