Archive for September 2013

‘Rogue countries that develop WMD will in fact use them’

September 17, 2013

Israel Hayom | ‘Rogue countries that develop WMD will in fact use them’.

For the second time in as many days, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has said publicly that rogue regimes that develop weapons of mass destruction will end up using them • Netanyahu will meet Obama in Washington on September 30 for talks on Iran.

Reuters and Israel Hayom staff
Amil Salman

|

Photo credit: Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu speaks at a cabinet meeting on Tuesday

Back in the USSR

September 17, 2013

Israel Hayom | Back in the USSR.

Zalman Shoval

Russia has never completely abandoned our region, but for 40 years, thanks to Anwar Sadat, Henry Kissinger and the Israeli victory in the Yom Kippur War, Moscow lost most of its previous centers of influence in the Middle East, aside from Syria. Now Russia is back, in a big way.

It is still early to cap the developments of recent weeks surrounding Syria’s chemical weapons program, but one thing is already clear: Without minimizing the importance of the agreement to rid the Syrian regime of its chemical weapons arsenal or the American contribution to the deal, one gets the impression that the Kremlin was at the wheel. Perceptions, primarily in the Middle East, are sometimes more important than facts, and America in our region today looks like it is following; compared to Russia, which was able to dictate — and it does not matter that objectively the U.S. is much more powerful than Russia (and if Washington doesn’t wake up soon and realize who it prefers over whom in Egypt, it is liable to lose ground there as well).

President Barack Obama said in his speech that America no longer wants to be the “world’s policeman.” Vacuums, however, are destined to be filled, and Russia, perhaps with China, will fill them.

Israel is content with the fact that an agreement on Syria was reached, as long as the regime in Damascus meets its conditions and stipulations. The Netanyahu government’s consistent position has been that Israel has no role in the Syrian civil war, but any possible scenario does include neutralizing Assad’s chemical weapons and ensuring that they are not transferred to Hezbollah. Even Assad’s temporarily enhanced status does not need to bother us too much. On the other hand, Israel cannot ignore the potential consequences that Russia’s increased diplomatic standing will have pertaining to crucial diplomatic matters on Israel’s agenda: Iran and the Palestinian problem.

As for Iran, there is a debate in America about whether the Syrian outcome will make Tehran feel more exposed to international pressures, enough so that it will stop its race toward a nuclear weapon; or whether it will see Western weakness, including American “flexibility” about its “red lines” and Russia’s active diplomatic engagement — a type of “building permit” for the continuation of its nuclear program. It can be assumed that this issue was the focus of Netanyahu’s meeting with Secretary of State John Kerry in Jerusalem earlier this week.

In regards to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Vladimir Putin’s Russia has not, yet, brought up its own diplomatic initiatives and at this stage it is settling for repeating the European Union’s mantras and slogans. In the Soviet past, the situation was different, not only because Stalin and most of his successors saw Zionism as an active and ideological enemy, but also because the Kremlin saw, during the cold war, Israel and its Arab client states marionettes to be controlled by both sides of the globe.

The result of this was that Russia and its satellite states consistently supported the Arab side, supplied weapons to the Egyptian and Syrian armies, trained Palestinian terrorists and cultivated potential terrorists at Lumumba University in Moscow (Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas also studied there). America, in contrast, generally supported Israel and was critical in deciding the outcome of the Yom Kippur War when Kissinger, backed by Nixon, threatened the Russians against intervening on behalf of the beaten Syrians and Egyptians.

Today, the situation is different. There are differences of opinion on several issues, in particular over Moscow’s turning a blind eye, at least on the surface, to the dangers posed by Iran’s nuclear program, but there are also quite a few agreements, either declared or veiled. Israel is certainly not indifferent, for example, to one of the major trends in Russian diplomacy, which is to stymie the expansion of Islam in the world, particularly in its close vicinity. In other areas as well, relations between Moscow and Jerusalem are doing exceedingly well and serve both parties.

However, Russia also understands that even with all the positive changes in relations, Israel will stay, also into the future, unequivocally tied to America and the American people (and to the Jewish community there). With that, Israel is aware of the possibilities offered by Russia’s enhanced status in the Middle East, especially if Russia wants to exploit the relative advantage it has gained from the Syrian situation, which could give it increased prominence on the Palestinian issue. Israeli diplomacy can be expected to be very active on this front in the years to come.

Putin’s pivot to the Middle East

September 17, 2013

Israel Hayom | Putin’s pivot to the Middle East.

Isi Leibler

U.S. President Barack Obama’s abysmal failure to provide leadership during the Syrian crisis represents a turning point in the Middle East and has paved the way for President Vladimir Putin’s Russia to emerge as the dominant regional force, a position it had surrendered after the breakup of the Soviet Union.

To avert abject humiliation, Obama has absurdly spun the situation into a victory achieved by the American threat of military force. In reality, it was Putin who played the role of international statesman, masterminding a watershed moment for the Middle East, in which Russia effectively supplanted the U.S. as world leader.

Were Syrian President Bashar Assad to actually dismantle his chemical stockpiles, Putin would have made an important contribution to regional peace and stability. Alas, the likelihood of this happening is exceedingly remote.

Given the barbaric civil war raging throughout Syria, and the history of Syrian lies and deceit, it is virtually impossible to establish any meaningful form of surveillance or control.

Nonetheless, Putin has established a significant role for himself in the Mideast region.

In the process, he has potentially enabled Assad to emerge a victor, despite being embattled and on the brink of collapse until now. The stated deadline is only mid-2014. Already, there are reports that Assad has dispersed and concealed his chemical weapons. With the passage of days, weeks and months, interest in controlling his stockpiles will wane and the possibility of taking action will be effectively forestalled. There will be no consequences to Assad’s actions, since Russia endorsed, and the U.S. capitulated, to his demand that an agreement eschew any mention of reverting to military action should he renege on the deal.

In orchestrating his maneuvers in Syria, Putin has demonstrated not only his support for Syria and Iran, but his ability to stand up and deliver on behalf of his allies. Putin achieved regional hegemony through Russia’s alliance with a broad Shiite arc that includes Iran, Syria, and Lebanon and is likely to include Iraq as well. Egypt is currently out of the equation, but in the past it was the most stalwart of America’s regional allies. Today, it distrusts the Obama administration for its abandonment of Mubarak and its support of the Muslim Brotherhood regime, making it similarly susceptible to Russian influence.

Putin’s objective is to recreate a bipolar global dynamic in which Russia is the dominant power, demonstrating a determination to confront and undermine America on virtually all issues. While he is condemned in the Western world for his authoritarian rule, brutal suppression of dissidents and failure to root out rampant corruption, despite his country’s economic and military limitations, he has harnessed Russia’s energy resources to make impressive progress.

Putin has now successfully promoted himself as an international statesman and will undoubtedly continue to exploit nationalism and anti-Americanism in order to raise his standing within his domestic constituency. His rhetoric reflects this new approach. He did not attempt to morally defend Assad’s actions. Indeed, former U.S. President Ronald Reagan would turn in his grave if he knew of the sanctimonious and cynical paraphrasing of his sentiments by Putin in a recent New York Times article: “We are all different, but when we ask the Lord’s blessings, we must not forget that God created us equal…We must stop using the language of force and return to the path of civilized diplomatic and political settlement.”

These developments inevitably revive memories of the Soviet Union’s nefarious role in the Middle East during the Cold War and its collusion with Arab states attempting to destroy the Jewish state. It is also reminiscent of the global anti-Semitic campaigns that culminated in the infamous U.N. resolution that equated Zionism with racism.

But it would be incorrect and misleading to place Putin in the same category as the leaders of the evil empire. Unlike the pathological Soviet anti-Semites, Putin has not displayed a hatred of the Jewish people. On the contrary, Israel was the first country he visited after his election and, while here, repeatedly remarked on how pleased he was to visit a state that included more than a million Russian-speaking citizens. He even warned, however disingenuously, that the Syrian rebels were preparing for a poison gas attack against Israel.

But this should not mislead us into regarding Putin as a philo-Semite. Rather, that he will collaborate with Israel if it best serves Russia’s objectives. However, he has continuously employed the Russian veto at the U.N. Security Council in relation to Iran and Syria, and has supported the Iranians, despite their nuclear ambitions which pose an existential threat to Israel.

Indeed, there are now reports that the Russians will provide Tehran with highly advanced defense systems, including five batteries of state-of-the-art S-300 anti-aircraft missile systems, which will certainly make any future military intervention far more hazardous. The Russian media has also reported that in the course of his forthcoming meeting with Iranian President Hassan Ruohani, Putin is likely to offer a new nuclear reactor.

The most serious fallout from the Syrian debacle is the Iranian perception of Obama. His threat to intervene militarily if the Iranians sought to achieve their nuclear objectives was always in doubt, but now it has simply become a joke. Not surprisingly, Tehran has praised the U.S. for employing “rationality.” This will obligate Israel to make some very difficult decisions in the near future.

Israel must now persuade Russia, with whom it has developed good relations in recent years, to draw the line at providing weapons to its allies, which would undermine Israel’s security and power of deterrence. This will test the influence of Soviet Israelis like Avigdor Lieberman, who claims to enjoy a unique relationship with the current Russian leadership. However in light of recent events, we must be aware that Putin’s total focus on furthering Russian influence in the region may lead to his abandonment of Israel in the process.

Israel must not allow itself to be drawn into the regional turmoil. We must deny Assad’s demand that Israel ratify the chemical weapons agreement before Syria does. We must reject Putin’s hint that Assad’s chemical weapons were a poor man’s deterrence against Israel’s nuclear power. We must also be prepared for the possibility that the Obama administration may intensify pressure on us to “make greater sacrifices” to reach a settlement with the Palestinians in order to divert attention from its dreadful failure in Syria.

The unfolding of the Syrian story serves to underline the message: while Israel must retain the support of the American people and Congress in order to combat global political pressures and to withstand Russia’s increasingly active role in the region, we must depend on ourselves and forgo illusions of relying on U.S. military support. As Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said, quoting Ethics of the Fathers following the Kol Nidre service on Yom Kippur at my Synagogue, “If I am not for myself, who will be for me?”

The Syria deal

September 17, 2013

Israel Hayom | The Syria deal.

Elliot Abrams

Elliott Abrams is a senior fellow for Middle East Studies at the Council on Foreign Relations. This piece is reprinted with permission and can be found on Abrams’ blog “Pressure Points” here.

Until last week, Syria denied having any chemical weapons, so its willingness to account for 100% of them is, to say the least, suspicious. U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry himself said, when he first mentioned a possible deal, that it could never work. And our partner in this endeavor, Russia, has itself failed to meet all its obligations with respect to chemical weapons. Worse, it remains the key conventional weapons supplier to Syria.

Thus we are left wondering whether the Russian planes that might arrive in Syria to help remove chemical weapons would actually be laden with more conventional weaponry for the regime. And wondering again why this is a good deal if it results in another 100,000 Syrian civilian deaths, tens of thousands more refugees and displaced persons, and more destruction. Iranian and Hezbollah military personnel continue to aid, and in some cases direct, the efforts of the regime. The Wall Street Journal put it this way:

“The training of thousands of fighters is an outgrowth of Iran’s decision last year to immerse itself in the Syrian civil war on behalf of its struggling ally, the Assad regime, in an effort to shift the balance of power in the Middle East. Syria’s bloodshed is shaping into more than a civil war: It is now a proxy war among regional powers jockeying for influence in the wake of the Arab Spring revolutions.”

What is the American reaction? Apparently it is a small program of assistance for the Syrian rebels, one that was announced in June but got off the ground only weeks ago — two and half years into this war.

U.S. President Barack Obama said this on September 10th:

“When dictators commit atrocities, they depend upon the world to look the other way until those horrifying pictures fade from memory. But these things happened. The facts cannot be denied. The question now is what the United States of America, and the international community, is prepared to do about it. Because what happened to those people — to those children — is not only a violation of international law, it’s also a danger to our security.”

Nevertheless the deal with Russia does not punish Syrian President Bashar Assad or strike a blow at the regime; it merely says “don’t do it again.” So the lesson for dictators who commit atrocities is that you can use chemical weapons 10 or 15 times, and then you may be asked to give them up. Period. It’s like telling an ax murderer that his punishment is to give up his ax — or to promise to give up the ax and promise that he has no more axes hidden anywhere else.

The Syrian regime, and Iran, and Hezbollah, and Russia, seem very pleased with this diplomatic achievement. But why should we be?

The Precedence of the US-Russian Agreement

September 17, 2013

The Precedence of the US-Russian Agreement.

Israel, which is familiar with existential military threats, must support the US-Russian agreement, its implications for Iran and the precedence it represents for solving conflicts peacefully

The Precedence of the US-Russian Agreement

The US-Russian agreement for dismantling Syria’s chemical weapons that was signed provides a new and non-violent way of solving the issue of the country’s chemical weapons, for solving conflicts between states, and more importantly for Israel and the US, has considerable influence on Iran and its nuclear project. Voices that the agreement are already being heard, calling for military action – starting from conservative senators like John McCain and up to Israeli leaders that still like to maintain anonymity. There are advantages to a military action that stem from suspicions that Syria and Russia will use the agreement to buy more time, weaken the US pressure and postpone military action. A military campaign might be dangerous and immoral – it’s easy to begin but difficult to end, since only one side is needed to begin but at least two are needed to agree on an end. It should be remembered that a considerable portion of military conflicts end with negotiations, with agreements and with compromises, similar to non-violent confrontations.

The greatest importance of the US-Russian agreement is in the nature and measure of its affect on the Iranian nuclear project. In order to examine this, the primary characteristics of the US-Russian agreement should be noted. The agreement allows the UN Security Council and the General Assembly to decide on agreed upon decisions. It leads to a relatively short process – several months of disassembling the weapons of mass destruction in Syria’s possession and it is a precedence for other agreements such as with regards to the Iranian issue.

There are those in the US Congress and the Israeli administration that believe that the renouncement of a military campaign by the US president – at least temporarily – weakens the country’s international standing, and strengthens Iran in its continued development of a nuclear bomb. However, other members of government and experts believe that the Russian cooperation reveals the standing and influence of the US, which did not require the use of weapon systems such as M-1s, M-16s and F-16s in order to obtain its objectives. Nevertheless, we must not be naïve and assess that the agreement will be carried out true to form and wording without further US pressure. An examination of the body language of both foreign ministers during a press conference revealed the discomfort of Russian minister Lavrov when the US Secretary of State John Kerry used clear and tough language.

An assessment based on the results of the agreement that was signed requires a certain amount of time, yet based on the assumption that it will be successful, all of those involved in the Iranian issue will yield several lessons that will encourage reaching a similar agreement. US President Obama and Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu prefer to stop Iran without requiring force. Despite its size and its economic resilience to date, Iran would find it difficult to deal with an unofficial alliance between the US and Russia and an agreement similar to the one for Syria’s voluntary liquidation of its unconventional weapons.

The writer of this article consistently supports alternatives to a military campaign. Israel, which has felt and is familiar with existential military threats, must support the US-Russian agreement, its implications for Iran and the precedence it represents for solving conflicts peacefully and with diplomatic processes.

The Syrian helicopter flight over Turkey fabricated first Assad obstacle to chemical weapons handover

September 17, 2013

The Syrian helicopter flight over Turkey fabricated first Assad obstacle to chemical weapons handover.

DEBKAfile Special Report September 17, 2013, 12:12 PM (IDT)
Turkish warplanes shoot down Syrian helicopter

Turkish warplanes shoot down Syrian helicopter

Syrian Prime Minister Waal al-Khalqi knew what he was talking about when he said Monday, Sept. 16 that the Assad regime had plenty more assets up its sleeve for harming Israel and achieving strategic balance – even after surrendering its chemical weapons to international control. The Russian ships already on their way to Syria loaded with munitions for Bashar Assad’s army demonstrate the justice of his words.

Indeed the Syrian ruler would not have agreed to let go of his chemical arsenal without being certain of two major hindrances and two big rewards:

1. Syria’s chemical arsenal cannot be destroyed in its entirety – only a very small part thereof. Like most of the rhetoric surrounding the issue, the pledge the OPCW chairman Ahmet Uzumcu of Turkey gave the UN Secretary – that “the organization will move swiftly to eliminate Syria’s chemical weapon stockpile” – is more hot air than substance.
The Organization for the Prevention of Chemical Weapons – OPCW – is a small outfit which lacks the manpower and funds for this Herculean task; America alone is competent to perform it. It goes without saying that the Obama administration is not in the business of deploying thousands of US military personnel on the ground – even if Moscow and Damascus were amenable.
Washington might conceivably agree to train international personnel in the dismantling of chemical weapons. But that too would take a year or more. Special Syrian rebel units under US-Jordanian command have been taught how to handle chemical weapons in Jordan, but Assad is hardly likely to let them set foot in the country.
2. The second obstacle was concocted by the Assad regime Monday, by sending an M-17 gunship, capable of striking ground targets into Turkish air space. The Turkish Air Force downed the intruder over the southern Malatya region after it failed to heed several warnings, although the helicopter could have been forced to land in Turkey or chased back across the border.
The Turks therefore fell into the trap laid at their feet by Assad. The incident sent border tensions into a violent tailspin, and provided Damascus and Moscow with the pretext for backing out of the chemical weapons deal under the oversight of an international organization, so long as OPCW was headed by a Turkish official, who is moreover, a close friend of Turkey’s anti-Assad Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu.

2.  Before consenting to dismantling his poison gas arsenal, Assad obtained Moscow’s promise in advance, according to debkafile’s intelligence sources, to send his army without delay large consignments of advanced weapons systems.

Those shipments are presented as compensating the Syrian government for the loss of its chemical option against the Syrian rebels. In fact, Assad comes out of the US-Russian deal not only fortified militarily, but holding a long-life guarantee. Part of his chemical stockpile will remain available to his armed forces and at the same time, they hit the jackpot for top-line items in the Russian armory.

3. This long-life guarantee was also cemented by the accord US Secretary of State John Kerry signed with Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov in Geneva Saturday, Sept. 14. The monitoring and destruction of his chemical stockpiles will certainly be protracted. As long as the process drags on, Assad is assured of staying in power, as the only party capable of bringing it to fruition, however slim that prospect is. Without him, the US-Russian accord is dead and buried.

The report published by the UN chemical experts Monday offered nothing new that was not unknown about his regime’s culpability of the Aug. 21, attack. It did not bother Assad one whit.
It is therefore hard to see the point of Israel Defense Minister Moshe Ya’alon’s remarks that the US-Russian deal for Syria “proved that a credible threat of force could bring about diplomatic solutions for disarming dangerous rogue regimes of weapons of mass destruction.”
The Geneva accord merely laid the ground for a Western PR campaign under the tutelage of John Kerry to demonstrate a false breakthrough for ending the barbaric Syrian war. However, on the ground, nothing has changed; the war continues with unparalleled savagery and the threats to its neighbors from Syria and the Lebanese Hizballah are still in force.

Israel seeks similar pressure on Iran as US applies on Syria – FT.com

September 17, 2013

Israel seeks similar pressure on Iran as US applies on Syria – FT.com.

Israel is pressing the US to use the deal to remove Syria’s chemical weapons stockpile as a model for making Iran renounce nuclear weapons, but insists that diplomatic pressure on Tehran should be backed with a tougher military threat.

Yuval Steinitz, Israel’s intelligence minister, said the US threat to use force against Iran, if diplomacy failed to deter it from building a bomb, was “not credible enough” and warned that Hassan Rouhani, the country’s new centrist president, was fooling the world with a “smiling campaign”.

“It should be like Syria: ‘We are going to attack you unless you give up your nuclear weapons programme,’” Mr Steinitz told the Financial Times in an interview. US pressure on Iran, he said, needed to be “more credible and more concrete, with some timetable, some time limits”. He said Israel was discussing its views with its “American friends”, but did not elaborate.

He said of Iran’s president: “He will smile his way all the way to the bomb.”

Mr Steinitz’s comments came a day after President Barack Obama said he had exchanged letters with Mr Rouhani, and that the US-Russian agreement on Syria showed that a diplomatic solution to the stand-off with Iran was possible. But Mr Obama added that Tehran should not conclude that “we won’t strike Iran”.

Israeli officials worry that international pressure on Iran over its nuclear programme has ebbed since Mr Rouhani’s election. Some in the country were also dismayed by Mr Obama’s decision not to use force in Syria, which they see as a test of US and international resolve to stop Iran’s nuclear programme.

Benjamin Netanyahu, Israel’s prime minister, is due to address the UN General Assembly next week in a speech focusing on Iran, a year after he laid out “red lines” in Iran’s nuclear programme that he said must not be crossed, and brandished cartoons of a sputtering bomb.

Israel estimates that economic sanctions have cost the Iranian economy $100bn so far, but says sanctions and diplomatic pressure must be backed up by pressure of a military threat.

“The greater the pressure, the greater the chances,” Mr Steinitz said. “We learnt something with what happened in Syria right now,” he added, referring to the US’s shifting of warships to the eastern Mediterranean, which he said had brought about the US-Russia deal.

“I praise Obama,” he added. “He made his point.”

Mr Steinitz, a former philosophy professor and leftwing peace activist turned rightwing Likud politician, is Mr Netanyahu’s main pointman on Iran. He is also one of Israel’s most prominent voices in foreign policy while Avigdor Lieberman, tapped to resume his former role as foreign minister, awaits the outcome of his trial on corruption charges.

Mr Steinitz said Syria’s chemical weapons sites numbered in the dozens, and that President Bashar al-Assad’s regime might play with this by moving some of its stocks or weaponry around, or allowing a small portion of it to fall into rebels’ hands, which would give him the excuse to abandon the disarmament regime.

“We know Assad is very tricky and he already cheated the world,” he said. “He built a nuclear reactor in the north of Syria and somebody bombed it – there are rumours that somebody destroyed it in 2007,” he said in reference to a bombing raid Israel is reported to have carried out but never acknowledged.

Israel itself, which never ratified the 1993 chemical weapons convention, is thought to possess its own chemical weapons stockpile.

When asked whether it would abandon these if pressed, Mr Stenitz would neither confirm nor deny their existence, nor renounce them. “Let me put it like this: we are a very responsible country,” he said. “Our policy is that we are a little tiny Jewish democracy that has to survive in the most difficult and hostile neighbourhood on the face of the earth.”

Israelis react to ongoing crisis in Syria

September 17, 2013

Israelis react to ongoing crisis in Syria – YouTube.

 

Iran confirms exchange of letters with Obama

September 17, 2013

Iran confirms exchange of letters with Obama | The Times of Israel.

Two days after US president verifies communication between the two countries, Iranian foreign ministry does the same

September 17, 2013, 12:20 pm
Iranian President Hasan Rouhani speaking at the parliament in Tehran, Iran, on August 15, 2013. (photo credit: AP/Ebrahim Noroozi/File)

Iranian President Hasan Rouhani speaking at the parliament in Tehran, Iran, on August 15, 2013. (photo credit: AP/Ebrahim Noroozi/File)

Iran’s Foreign Ministry confirmed Tuesday that US President Barack Obama and his Iranian counterpart Hasan Rouhani exchanged letters.

According to Iranian Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Marzieh Afkham, Obama sent Rouhani a message of congratulations on the occasion of his election, marking the first diplomatic communication between leaders of the US and Iran in some three decades.

“As we have seen in news reports, this letter has been exchanged,” the ISNA news agency quoted Afkham as saying. “The mechanism for exchanging these letters is through current diplomatic channels.”

The two leaders will participate in the UN General Assembly in New York next week, with Obama expected to address the plenum on Tuesday morning, and Rouhani to address the same forum for the first time on Tuesday afternoon. The overlap, along with the revelation of communications which was also confirmed by Obama on Sunday, seem to signal that the two might meet unofficially on the sidelines of the UNGA.

But any potential meeting was denied by White House Spokesman Jay Carney, who said Monday in a carefully worded comment, that “we currently have no plan for Obama to meet with his Iranian counterpart next week,” while adding that the US government “remains ready to engage with the Rouhani government on the basis of mutual respect to achieve a peaceful resolution.”

The United States and Iran cut off formal ties after students and Islamic militants stormed the US Embassy in Tehran and took American diplomats hostage in 1980. Officials from both countries have expressed readiness to find a diplomatic solution to a decade-long dispute over Iran’s nuclear program, over which the West has imposed economic sanctions on the Islamic Republic. The US and its allies suspect Iran is working toward nuclear weapons capability while Tehran insists that its program will only be used for civilian purposes.

German news magazine Der Spiegel reported Monday that Iran will be willing to close its uranium enrichment facility at Fordo in return for an easing of Western sanctions, suggesting that Rouhani might make this offer at the General Assembly. Carney referred to the possibility of reaching a settlement regarding Iran’s nuclear power, saying Monday that “actions speak louder than words,” but added that “we remain hopeful that there is a possibility of making progress on this issue.”

In public shift, Israel calls for Assad’s fall | Reuters

September 17, 2013

In public shift, Israel calls for Assad’s fall | Reuters.

Syria's President Bashar al-Assad speaks during an interview with Russian state television RU24 in Damascus in this September 12, 2013 handout photo by Syria's national news agency SANA. REUTERS/SANA/Handout via Reuters

JERUSALEM | Tue Sep 17, 2013 7:16am EDT

(Reuters) – Israel wants to see Syrian President Bashar al-Assad toppled, its ambassador to the United States said on Tuesday, in a shift from its non-committal public stance on its neighbor’s civil war.

Even Assad’s defeat by al Qaeda-aligned rebels would be preferable to Damascus’s current alliance with Israel’s arch-foe Iran, Ambassador Michael Oren said in an interview with the Jerusalem Post.

His comments marked a move in Israel’s public position on Syria’s two-and-1/2-year-old war.

Though old enemies, a stable stand-off has endured between the two countries during Assad’s rule and at times Israel had pursued peace talks with him in hope of divorcing Syria from Tehran and Iranian-sponsored Hezbollah guerrillas in neighboring Lebanon.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had long avoided openly calling for the Syrian president’s fall. Some Israeli officials now worry that radical Sunni Islamist insurgents fighting Assad will eventually turn their guns on the Jewish state.

But with Assad under U.S.-led condemnation for his forces’ alleged chemical attack on a rebel district of Damascus on August 21, Oren said Israel’s message was that he must go.

“We always wanted Bashar Assad to go, we always preferred the bad guys who weren’t backed by Iran to the bad guys who were backed by Iran,” Oren said in the interview, excerpted on Tuesday before its full publication on Friday.

Assad’s overthrow would also weaken the alliance with Iran and Hezbollah, Oren said.

“The greatest danger to Israel is by the strategic arc that extends from Tehran, to Damascus to Beirut. And we saw the Assad regime as the keystone in that arc,” he said.

Oren said that other anti-Assad rebels were less radical than the Islamists.

Israel believes around one in 10 Syrian rebels are Sunni militants sworn to its destruction. Assad’s Alawite sect is closer to the rival Shi’ite Islam of Iran and Hezbollah.

Oren, a Netanyahu confidant, did not say in the interview whether or how Israel was promoting Assad’s fall.

Netanyahu casts Iran’s disputed nuclear drive as the main menace to Israel and world stability.

Israel, which is widely assumed to have the region’s sole atomic arsenal, has played down any direct Syrian threat to it but is concerned that a weak Western policy towards Assad could encourage Iran.

The Israelis have conferred closely with Washington as it first threatened military reprisals over the Damascus gas attack and then struck a deal with Russia for placing Syria’s chemical weapons under international control.

Netanyahu has urged Syria be stripped of such arms, while insisting that his government was not getting involved in Assad’s feud with the rebels.

(Writing by Dan Williams, Editing by Jeffrey Heller and Angus MacSwan)