Archive for September 27, 2013

Historic Kerry-Zarif meeting signifies ‘change in tone’ in US-Iran relations

September 27, 2013

Israel Hayom | Historic Kerry-Zarif meeting signifies ‘change in tone’ in US-Iran relations.

U.S. Secretary of State Kerry: We had a very constructive meeting; there is still a lot of work to be done • Iranian Foreign Minister Zarif: There has to be a total lifting of all sanctions • Rouhani urges Israel to join Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.

News Agencies and Israel Hayom Staff
U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry and Iranian Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif side by side at a P5+1 meeting in New York on Thursday

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Photo credit: AP

One of history’s greatest deceptions

September 27, 2013

Israel Hayom | One of history’s greatest deceptions.

Dan Margalit

Iranian President Hasan Rouhani’s appearance on the international stage is an extremely important event. The heart wants to believe that Rouhani is eyeing an agreement that would put the brakes on Tehran’s nuclear program, but wisdom seems to indicate that this is one of the largest exercises of fraud in modern history. Democracy’s natural tendency, understandably, is geared toward the first option. But being suspicious of him will be absolutely necessary in the foreseeable future, despite the fact that Washington and Tehran’s foreign ministers met on Thursday night for the first time since 1979.

This does not mean, though, that it is in Israel’s interest to boycott every gesture underlining the difference between Rouhani’s rhetoric and former Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s offensive statements. It is too bad Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu ordered the Israeli delegation to leave the assembly hall in New York during the Iranian president’s speech. It would have been better public relations to do otherwise. Israel’s friends in the West, and the Iranians, need to accept Israel’s frank manner of dealing with all the saturating threats.

Although Rouhani’s words may have been appropriate, what about his actions? What reason could the president of a terrorist state possibly give for why he avoided shaking hands with U.S. President Barack Obama, who had welcomed the gesture? Rouhani flew across the ocean and wrote a seductively flattering article about peace. He went on CNN and said what any man with even the tiniest smidgen of integrity would say: that the Holocaust happened and was totally reprehensible. But then, just a few of days later, he denied his comments and had to elucidate his position to the government in Tehran. What happened here?

Was it the salesman’s pitch in two languages? A kind of linguistic Apartheid? Is English excluded from Iranian discourse? Did he condemn the Holocaust in the middle of an English-speaking democracy while uttering something else in Persian? For 65 years, Israelis have gotten used to hearing about difficult translations when Arab leaders were cajoled into saying something that could be interpreted as moderate toward Israel. All of a sudden, there’s no Berlitz Corporation or translators to be found. They have all failed.

The problem is that the democratic world, content with its way and quality of life, people want to hear the nice interpretation of Rouhani’s statements, however erroneous it was. This is the way of the weary world. It does not take preventative military measures, nor diplomatic ones, until the time is too late. The fatigued and frightened nations have laid their impotence bare.

Suspicions are only going to grow. Within a few hours, Rouhani had called on Israel to sign the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. Which countries have signed onto that treaty? Iran. Syria. Libya. So what now? Can we really trust them to stand behind their obligations, statements or signatures?

This is a cynical yet predictable attempt by Rouhani to impede negotiations aimed at preventing Iran from acquiring a weapon of mass destruction. We must remain vigilant. Netanyahu will make his speech at the General Assembly just four days from now after his meeting with Obama. He must convey a direct, unequivocal message to the entire forum: The path leading to Iran’s centrifuges does not cross Dimona.

Rouhani the publicist

September 27, 2013

Israel Hayom | Rouhani the publicist.

Boaz Bismuth

Iran’s campaign to change its image, led by the country’s president/publicist Hasan Rouhani, is now fully underway.

Even though Rouhani sounded very similar during his U.N. General Assembly speech to his predecessor Mahmoud Ahmadinejad (Rouhani’s speech included mentions of Iran’s right to have a nuclear program and enrich uranium, as well as criticism of the U.S.), Rouhani’s words inspired hope around the world. Rouhani knows how to play the exact music that the world wants to hear these days.

The Iranian president, with moderation of course, used the stage in New York to move ahead to the next stage of Iran’s campaign: After Rouhani explained that Iran has the right to a civilian nuclear program (the Persian translation for his overseers is that Iran will become a nuclear threshold state), the Iranian president attacked Israel, saying it poses a global problem: “Israel is the only country in the region that has not signed the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.” To us, comparing Israel to Iran may seem ridiculous, but that is not necessarily the case in other places.

An “Obama Doctrine”?

Iran, which is suffering from sanctions and international isolation yet is insisting on continuing its nuclear program, did not let Rouhani to shake hands with U.S. President Barack Obama. Some would say that such a handshake could have been the pinnacle of Iran’s campaign at the U.N., but the Iranians decided that the conditions today are such that they can charge high price for every gesture. Rouhani is perhaps the only current world leader able to get away with not showing up to dine with Obama.

Pundits, including some in Israel, are telling us that Obama, in a brilliant move, is disarming Syria of chemical weapons and Iran of nuclear weapons almost simultaneously after having put his pistol on the table. So we now have, even before the results are in, an apparent “Obama Doctrine.”

However, the reality is opposite. The Iranians clearly understood that the U.S.-Russia agreement in Geneva proved just how little Washington was interested in opening new fronts in the Middle East and that the deal was the product of American weakness, rather than strength.

Iran realized that America’s military option is nothing more than rhetorical. The U.S.-Russia deal also elevated Iran’s status in the region, as Russia arranged for Iran to be the groomsman in the arrangement. Who is more suitable than Iran to play an active role in the search for a diplomatic solution in Syria? Western diplomats say that Iran is putting together a delegation to attend the Geneva 2 conference. Assad, under the protection of a Russian-Iranian umbrella,is now even allowing himself to disparage Obama, saying that the American president is “too hesitant and weak to attack Syria.” Just a month ago, Assad was shaking with fear.

The meeting between Iran and world superpowers on Thursday took place after years of deadlock. An Iranian foreign minister and U.S. secretary of state sat at the same table for the first time in 34 years. This was definitely a historic event. Rouhani promised that an agreement would be reached within three to six months. One can assume that any deal reached in such a short time frame, after all the failures since October 2009, would be bad for Israel. But even if there is no progress, it is highly doubtful that anyone in the world would take on the mission of stopping Iran’s centrifuges.

Iranian media was enthusiastic on Wednesday about the “American change of tone,” as the top headline in the Etemaad newspaper put it, but certainly not about Iran’s change of tone.

In our world, where everything is a matter of perception, it is not surprising that many are excited about Iran’s campaign and the “Obama Doctrine.” But behind all the sweet lips and honey lies reality, which has changed for the worse.

The holes in Rouhani’s charm offensive

September 27, 2013

Israel Hayom | The holes in Rouhani’s charm offensive.

Dore Gold

Iranian President Hasan Rouhani’s efforts to change Western perceptions of Iran are already being called a “charm offensive.” Imitating Russian President Vladimir Putin, who wrote an op-ed in The New York Times, Rouhani decided to place an article in one of the other leading American newspapers, The Washington Post. He wrote about Iran’s “peaceful nuclear energy program,” suggesting that its entire purpose was for “generating nuclear power” and “diversifying” Iran’s energy resources.

This was old Iranian argumentation. But he continued with it in an interview on NBC News a day later, saying, “We have never sought, nor will ever seek, nuclear weapons. We solely seek peaceful nuclear technology.” He also took the same message to CNN’s Christiane Amanpour. This week in his speech at the U.N. General Assembly he insisted yet again that the Iranian nuclear program was for “exclusively peaceful purposes.”

Thus Rouhani was not only making a statement about Iran’s future intentions, but he was also rewriting history by saying that Iran had not sought nuclear weapons in the past. In doing so, Rouhani was reopening one of the main debates over the last decade about why Iran was constructing such a vast nuclear infrastructure.

Roughly ten years ago, the U.S. State Department published a power point presentation illustrating the inherent weakness of the arguments the Iranians used to defend their nuclear program. It noted that despite Iran’s enormous oil and gas reserves, Iranian officials claimed that Iran could no longer rely on fossil fuels in the future. Ali Akbar Salehi, who today heads Iran’s Atomic Energy Organization, but in 2003 served as its representative to the International Atomic Energy Organization, added that Iran had to replace the consumption of oil with the use of uranium ore as the primary source for Iran’s energy.

But the State Department study showed that while Iran still had ample oil and gas, which could supply Iran for at least 200 years (in the case of gas), Tehran actually had very limited supplies of uranium ore, especially if it had plans of eventually building seven nuclear reactors for the production of electricity. In fact, if Iran’s domestic supply of uranium ore was inadequate for a nationwide program of electricity production, it was more than sufficient for the production of a respectable number of atomic weapons every year. For the U.S., this was a red flag indicating that the argument that Iran only wanted a civilian program was completely disingenuous and what it really sought was a full scale nuclear weapons program.

Then there was the question of why Iran insisted that it must enrich its own uranium by itself. Tehran actually had only one working reactor for producing electricity at Bushehr, which used uranium fuel that was supplied by Russia. Moscow assured Tehran that the Russian supply of enriched uranium for Bushehr would not be disrupted. So why spend billions on enrichment plants at Natanz and Fordo?

Moreover, many advanced industrial states in the West import enriched uranium rather than build an uneconomical enrichment infrastructure: for example, Finland, Spain, South Korea, and Sweden. Even in the U.S., 92 percent of the uranium used in nuclear power plants during 2010 was of foreign origin.

There must have been an assumption among Iranian leaders that the West was either naive or extremely gullible, for Tehran persisted with its arguments that its nuclear efforts were only for civilian purposes. When Iran began to enrich uranium beyond the 3.5% level in June, 2010 to the 20% level, its spokesmen argued that this too was for civilian purposes; the small Tehran Research Reactor needed this fuel, the West was told, for manufacturing medical isotopes.

But while a year later, Iran already had enough uranium enriched to 20% to meet its demand for medical isotopes for at least seven years, it continued to produce 20% enriched uranium using the medical isotopes argument, which was transparently false. It was clear that the Iranians’ single-minded determination to expand their stock of this uranium was motivated by the fact that the leap from 20% uranium to weapons-grade uranium could be made in half the time it would take to enrich 3.5% enriched uranium to weapons grade level.

There was one area in which Iranian nuclear activities could not be covered up with the excuse that they had some civilian purpose: the manufacture of nuclear warheads for Iranian ballistic missiles, like the Shahab-3, which has the range to strike Israel. In a highly classified briefing in February 2008 given to ambassadors to the IAEA in Vienna, captured Iranian documents detailed how to design a warhead for the Shahab-3.

There was an illustration of the arc of the missile’s flight including the detonation of its warhead at an altitude of 600 meters. According to the IAEA experts a conventional explosion at 600 meters would have no effect on the ground below, but 600 meters would be ideal for a nuclear explosion, like the one caused by the Hiroshima bomb that exploded at that very same altitude.

An IAEA report from May 2011, validated the concerns that were raised during the 2008 briefing. It detailed a military research program that was based on “the removal of the conventional high explosive payload from the warhead of the Shahab-3 missile and replacing it with a spherical nuclear payload.”

Ironically, Rouhani spoke at a military parade in Tehran before heading out to New York. Significantly, on the front of the lead vehicle of a line of trucks transporting Shahab-3 missiles, there appears a banner that reads: “Israel should cease to exist.”

There is no way that this kind of activity can be characterized as being part of a “civilian nuclear program,” no matter how smooth Rouhani’s performance will be during his visit to New York. Tellingly, in recent years, Iran has firmly rejected Western requests to inspects its weapons complex at Parchin, where much of this warhead development is believed to take place. In the last year, anticipating pressures to open up Parchin to inspections, the Iranians undertook a large concealment operation and poured asphalt over areas it thought the IAEA might want to visit.

Rouhani became famous for his remarks in 2005, when he was head nuclear negotiator and national security adviser to former Iranian President Mohammad Khatami, at which time he admitted to having exploited the time of the negotiations with the EU-3 (Britain, France, and Germany) so that Iran could complete its conversion plant in Isfahan, where the fuel that is inserted into the centrifuges is produced. He brilliantly used diplomacy to allow the Iranian nuclear program to advance, while giving the Western powers the feeling that Iran was making concessions at the same time.

This is precisely the sort of formula he will seek now as he launches new negotiations with the Obama administration. Only this time, Iran is far closer to its goal of manufacturing nuclear weapons than it was in 2005. The West will have to be extremely careful to see to it that Iran offers tangible concessions and not just empty generalities about its desire for peace, if its drive for nuclear weapons is to be truly stopped, and the security of the Middle East protected.

Obama at the UN — new or old Middle East?

September 27, 2013

Israel Hayom | Obama at the UN — new or old Middle East?.

Yoram Ettinger

U.S. President Barack Obama reintroduced his New Middle East vision during his September 25, 2013 speech at the U.N. General Assembly: “Let me take this opportunity to outline what has been the U.S. policy toward the Middle East and North Africa, and what will be my policy during the remainder of my presidency. …” Obama clarified that his Middle East policy has not fluctuated since his 2008 presidential campaign and his June 2009 Cairo University speech to the Muslim world, notwithstanding the unprecedented geo-political transfiguration of the Arab street during his two terms.

According to Obama, “The world is more stable than it was five years ago.” However, Iraq’s civilian death toll in July 2013 was almost 1,000 — the highest monthly toll since 2008. Egypt has deteriorated from a leadership role in the Arab world into its most unstable period in modern history. Syria, historically an Arab powerhouse has become a battleground among the rogue/terrorist regimes of Assad, the Muslim Brotherhood and al-Qaida. Jordan’s Muslim Brotherhood, Hamas, and disgruntled Palestinians and Bedouins are awaiting the “Syrian lava,” which threatens to sweep the pro-U.S. Hashemite regime. Libya has been transformed from a rogue dictatorship to tribal anarchy and a chief proliferator of military systems to Islamic terrorists. Tunisia has become a fertile ground for Islamist takeover. Yemen features tribal, religious and ideological terrorism, involving U.S. troops and posing a clear and present danger to the House of Saud. Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Kuwait and Oman, the pro-U.S. oil producers, are panicky in view of intensified internal and external lethal threats.

Obama stated that “America’s diplomatic efforts will focus on two particular issues: Iran’s pursuit of nuclear weapons and the Arab-Israeli conflict … a major source of instability. Resolving them can help serve as a foundation for a broader peace. … Real breakthroughs on Iran’s nuclear program and Israeli-Palestinian peace would have a profound and positive impact on the entire Middle East and North Africa.” However, the Arab Tsunami, engulfing the entire Middle East and North Africa, is totally independent of the Arab-Israeli conflict and the Palestinian issue, which constitute relative tumbleweeds compared with the Middle East sandstorms that threaten vital U.S. interests.

How could the resolution of the 100 year old Arab-Israeli conflict facilitate the resolution of the totally unrelated 1,400-year-old intractable intra-Arab/Muslim conflicts that agitate the imploding Arab street? Moreover, Arab policymakers do not consider the Palestinian issue a crown jewel. They shower the Palestinians with rhetoric, but not with financial or military resources. Furthermore, Arab leaders view the Palestinians as a potentially subversive, destabilizing and treacherous element, based on the Palestine Liberation Organization’s destructive track record in Egypt, Syria, Jordan, Lebanon and Kuwait. Therefore, Palestinian leaders receive red carpet treatment in Western capitals, but are welcomed by shabby rugs in Arab capitals.

Obama introduced a linkage between Iran’s pursuit of nuclear weapons and the Palestinian issue, aimed at pressuring Israel into further concessions, lest it be blamed for the failure to stop Iran’s nuclearization. However, Iran is galloping toward nuclear capabilities irrespective of Israel’s existence or the Palestinian issue, which is a sideshow for Iran and the Arab countries. Iran’s nuclearization aims to advance its 1,400-year-old goal to dominate the Persian Gulf, where Israel plays no role. A nuclear Iran could severely intimidate the U.S., the mega-obstacle in the way of attaining its historical goal. It would provide a robust tailwind to a chief threat to U.S. interests: Islamic terrorism globally and on the U.S. mainland, which was absent from Obama’s speech. A nuclear Iran would devastate the Saudi and other pro-U.S. Persian Gulf regimes, who dread the “linkage theory,” which subordinates the critical campaign against Iran to the highly complicated, but significantly less critical, Palestinian issue. It thus delays a military pre-emption against Iran, providing the ayatollahs more time to acquire nuclear capabilities.

According to Obama, “President Rouhani received from the Iranian people a mandate to pursue a more moderate course.” But, Rouhani derives his mandate/power from Iran’s supreme leader, Khamenei, who selected him via a fixed election process. Rouhani demonstrated his “taqiyya” (Islam-sanctioned deception) capabilities during his term as Iran’s chief negotiator with the International Atomic Energy Agency, systematically violating commitments made to the IAEA. In September 2002, Rouhani stated: “When we sign international treaties, it means that we are not pursuing nuclear, chemical or biological weapons.” An ally of Hezbollah, Hamas, Syria, North Korea, Venezuela and Cuba and a supporter of Islamic terror organizations, he was an early ally of former Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, who led the 1979 Iranian Revolution. He served as national security advisor to Presidents Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani and Mohammad Khatami, and was a planner of the 1994 terrorist attack on the Asociación Mutual Israelita Argentina Jewish community center in Buenos Aires, in which 85 civilians were murdered.

Obama presented a supposed moral equivalence between Israel and the Palestinians. But is there really a moral equivalence between Israel — the only stable, predictable, effective, reliable, democratic and unconditional ally of the U.S. in the seismic Middle East — and the Palestinians, who sided with the Nazis, the Communist Bloc, Khomeini, Saddam Hussein, bin Laden and are currently linked to Russia, China, North Korea, Cuba and Venezuela?! A moral equivalence between Israel — the role model for counterterrorism — and the Palestinian Authority/PLO, the role model of international terrorism, hate education and incitement?!

Twenty years ago, President Shimon Peres introduced the Oslo process with the vision of a peace-driven New Middle East. However, the increasingly tectonic, violent, intolerant, terroristic, unpredictable, treacherous, Islamist and anti-American, conflict-ridden Middle East has overwhelmed the new Middle East. It produced unprecedented Palestinian terrorism, noncompliance and hate education, radicalizing Arab expectations, further eroding the prospects for peace. Will Obama learn from recent history by avoiding — or repeating — the devastating errors committed by Peres?

When it comes to stopping Iran, it is now or never

September 27, 2013

Israel Hayom | When it comes to stopping Iran, it is now or never.

Obama gave an optimistic speech at the U.N. Now it is Netanyahu’s turn to talk, and he wants to rein in the excitement over Iran’s conciliatory tone and say: Do not let Iran become North Korea; do not go for a deal at any cost.

Shlomo Cesana
Iranian President Hasan Rouhani laughing at a meeting in Manhattan on Thursday

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Photo credit: AP

US appeasement of Iran drowns Israel’s military option against nuclear Iran or chemical Syria

September 27, 2013

US appeasement of Iran drowns Israel’s military option against nuclear Iran or chemical Syria.

DEBKAfile Special Report September 27, 2013, 11:05 AM (IDT)
John Kerry and Mohamed Zarif at the UN

John Kerry and Mohamed Zarif at the UN

Thursday, Sept.26, will go down in Israel’s history as the day it lost its freedom to use force either against the Iranian nuclear threat hanging over its head or Syria’s chemical capacity – at least, so long as Barack Obama is president of the United States. During that time, the Iranian-Syrian-Hizballah axis, backed by active weapons of mass destruction, is safe to grow and do its worst.
Ovations for the disarming strains of Iran’s President Hassan Rouhani’s serenade to the West and plaudits for the pragmatism of its Foreign Minister Mohammed Zarif flowed out of every window of UN Center in New York this week.
Secretary of State John Kerry, who took part in the highest-level face to face encounter with an Iranian counterpart in more than 30 years, did say that sanctions would not be removed until Tehran produced a transparent and systematic plan for dismantling its nuclear program.

But then, in an interview to CBS TV, he backpedaled. Permission for international inspectors to visit the Fordo underground enrichment facility would suffice for the easing of sanctions starting in three months’ time.
By these words, the US pushed back Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu’s first demand to shutter Fordo and its equipment for enriching uranium to near-weapons grade, which he reiterated at this week’s Israeli cabinet meeting in Jerusalem.

To Tehran, Kerry therefore held out the promise of a short deadline for starting to wind sanctions down – this coming December.

Tehran’s primary objective is therefore within reach, the easing for sanctions without having to rescind any part of its nuclear aspirations – called “nuclear rights” in Iranian parlance.

The foreign ministers of the five permanent Security Council members and Germany, meeting Thursday with Zarif, arranged to resume formal nuclear negotiations next month in Geneva.
In another chamber of the UN building, the Americans were busy climbing all the way down from the military threat Barack Obama briefly brandished against Bashar Assad’s use of chemical weapons eons ago – on August 31 – before he killed it by passing the decision to the US Congress.
Any suggestion of force against Assad was finally buried at the UN Security Council Thursday, when the United States accepted a formal motion requiring Syria to comply with the international ban on chemical weapons, while yielding to Moscow’s insistence on dropping the penalty for non-compliance incorporated in the original US-British-French draft.

The message relayed to Tehran from both wings of UN headquarters was that it was fully shielded henceforth by a Russian veto and US complaisance against the oft-vaunted “credible military option” waved by Washington. Iran and its close ally, the Syrian ruler Assad, were both now safe from military retribution – from the United States and Israel alike – and could develop or even use their weapons of mass destruction with impunity.

Israel’s Intelligence Minister Yuval Steinitz, who was on the spot, could do little but repeat his government’s demands of Tehran to anyone who would listen, shouted down by the flood of conciliation pouring out for the new Iranian president. There was no escaping the conclusion that the Netanyahu government’s policy – if that is what it could be called – for preventing a nuclear-armed Iran is in tatters.

Iran, instead of facing world pressure to disarm its nuclear program, managed to turn the spotlight on Israel, requiring the world to denuclearize the entire Middle East and force Israel to join the Nuclear Proliferation Treaty.

Given the atmosphere prevailing in the world body these days, it is not surprising that the speech delivered to the assembly by the Palestinian leader Mahmoud Abbas was rated moderate – even when he called the establishment of the State of Israel a “historic, unprecedented injustice which has befallen the Palestinian people in al-Nakba of 1948” and demand redress.
This perversion of the UN’s historic action to create a Jewish state could only go down as moderate in a climate given over wholly under John Kerry’s lead to appeasing the world’s most belligerent nations and forces, so long as they made the right diplomatic noises.