Archive for April 26, 2013

Letting the genie out of the bottle

April 26, 2013

Letting the genie out of the bottle – Opinion – Israel News | Haaretz Daily Newspaper.

Israel is closely following U.S. activity regarding Syria after the regime there crossed a red line. If the U.S. fails to act, it will be hard for Israel to believe that it will follow through on its commitment to thwart Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons.

By | Apr.26, 2013 | 4:47 AM

American Secretary of State John Kerry’s rapid response to allegations that Syria had used chemical weapons, made Tuesday by the head of the research division at Military Intelligence, attests to the U.S. administration’s concerns that Israel won’t stop at embarrassing President Barack Obama over this issue. Instead, it will continue challenging the American president’s position regarding Iran.

The U.S. administration previously stated that the use of chemical weapons by Syrian President Bashar Assad would “cross a red line” and could lead to American intervention in the Syrian civil war. Brig. Gen. Itai Brun’s public announcement − that the Syrians used lethal chemical ordnance on a number of occasions − could be perceived as a blunt Israeli challenge to the U.S. president: You declared that the U.S. would take action if Assad crossed that line, and we are presenting you with evidence that he did. What are you going to do about it?

The Obama administration clearly understands that Israel is presenting it with a challenge, and that Obama’s conduct on this issue will indicate his determination to abide by the commitment he also made to act with regard to the Iranian nuclear program. Israel could have been satisfied with simply delivering the information it had regarding Assad’s use of chemical weapons to U.S. Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel in private discussions, but it opted to make a public declaration by a senior intelligence official.

No one in the U.S. administration believes that Brig. Gen. Brun made this declaration of his own volition. And if that were not enough, Brun − in response to a question by a former head of Military Intelligence, Amos Yadlin − added that this was a worrisome development, and met with an inadequate international response.

The message is clear. Israel is closely following U.S. activity regarding Syria after the regime there crossed a red line. If the U.S. fails to act, it will be hard for Israel to believe that it will follow through on its commitment to thwart Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons. Taking action in Syria is much simpler and less dangerous than preventing Iran from going nuclear.

Brun’s declaration exposed the U.S.-Israel disagreement over Syria’s chemical arsenal, and the Israeli decision to try to accelerate the Americans’ decision on Iran. Sarin, the poisonous-nerve gas allegedly used by the Syrian army against rebels, is only the tip of the iceberg.

The crux of the matter is the enriched uranium in Iran. The clock is ticking, Israel is signaling to the U.S., and we won’t be able to rely on you when it comes to this existential issue affecting us. If we see that you are unwilling to take action even in Syria, we may have no option other than to take action in Iran on our own.

This position was bluntly stated by Yadlin at the same event where Brun made his declaration. Yadlin said that, for all intents and purposes, Iran has already crossed the red line drawn by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in his speech last September at the United Nations. Yadlin also directed sarcastic remarks at the international community, including the U.S., saying that what seems to be of more interest to them is to stop Israel from attacking, rather than stopping Iran from going nuclear.

Even though Yadlin is an officer in the reserves and not an official Israeli representative, his words will reverberate in Washington as another public Israeli challenge to Obama − especially as the Prime Minister’s Office has not expressed any reservations about the remarks.

Secretary of State Kerry rushed to clarify that he spoke with Netanyahu, who “could not confirm the statements made by Israel’s Intelligence officer.” However, this officer has let the genie out of the bottle, transforming the confrontation between Israel and the U.S. over Iran from a behind-the-scenes discussion into a public dispute.

Iran likely behind drone that Israel intercepted opposite Haifa coast

April 26, 2013

Iran likely behind drone that Israel intercepted opposite Haifa coast – Diplomacy & Defense – Israel News | Haaretz Daily Newspaper.

Netanyahu and the IDF Spokesman were fast to condemn the launch of the drone from Lebanon, but chose not to name Hezbollah as the culprit.

By | Apr.26, 2013 | 7:01 PM | 1
A screenshot taken from video released by IDF showing downing of drone in October.

A screenshot taken from video released by the IDF Spokesman, showing an unidentified drone being downed, October 6, 2012.

A reexamination of Israeli declarations after the interception of the unmanned aircraft sent from Lebanon on Thursday reveals an interesting fact: All Israeli statements by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and IDF Spokesman Brig. Gen. Yoav Mordechai, whether on camera or written, omit one important issue – who actually launched the drone. The media added the names of the usual suspects: Hezbollah, and in some of the reports, Iran.

The omission of those responsible for the launch of the drone from the official statements on Thursday is probably not coincidental. Netanyahu and the IDF spokesperson talked of “an unmanned aircraft launched from Lebanon,” without naming the guilty party. The prime minister even deviated from his usual custom of threatening an Israeli response to the breach of its sovereignty (the drone was shot down above Israeli territorial waters, ten kilometers west of Haifa and the prime minister’s helicopter was forced to make an emergency landing in the north of Israel, until the threat passed). This time, Netanyahu saw it fit to say only that that Israel “views the attempt to breach our borders as very grave.”

Despite the lack of official explanations to the wording of Thursday’s statements, it seems that those responsible for the launching of the drone were the Iranian Revolutionary Guards in Lebanon. Iran has a long list of grievances with Israel: not only does it consider Israel to be behind the assassinations of the nuclear scientists in Tehran and the cyber attacks on their nuclear program, it has added a relatively new accusation concerning the assassination of the commander of the al-Quds regiment of the Revolutionary Guards in Lebanon, near the Syrian border last month. The reliability of this accusation is yet unclear; some reports attributed the assassination to the Syrian opposition.

The launching of the last drone from Lebanon, in October 2012, was eventually believed to be an act by the Revolutionary Guards with Hezbollah as the host, in Lebanon. In that operation, which was defined as a success by Hezbollah and Iran, the drone was intercepted in the north of the Negev after flying in Israeli skies for nearly half an hour. Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah claimed responsibility for the launch, but admitted it was an Iranian-produced drone. One can assume Hezbollah filled the same role this time as well. Still, since the drone was shot down in an early stage, before it actually flew over Israeli territory, Hezbollah and Iran remained silent in the aftermath. Sources in Lebanon on Thursday even went as far as to deny involvement in the operation.

Apart from the unsettled score with Israel, it seems that Iran wished to openly demonstrate its potential ability to damage essential facilities in Israel, in a time when they are feeling the pressure of international sanctions surrounding their nuclear program, and when international cooperation is being considered in a move against its ally in Syria, Bashar Assad.

Nonetheless, one cannot be certain that the goal was necessarily the Israeli gas drilling facilities in the Mediterranean. If the drone was indeed intended to fly above the Tamar facility which was recently inaugurated, why did it fly south to the Haifa area, instead of taking a shorter south-western route, and avoid the risk of being shot down?

Obama’s Silence on Syria’s Refugee Crisis Is Telling | New Republic

April 26, 2013

Obama’s Silence on Syria’s Refugee Crisis Is Telling | New Republic.

Even before chemical weapons were used, there was a refugee crisis. Why won’t the president act?

In all likelihood, the White House’s confirmation on Thursday that chemical weapons have been used in Syria will soon confirm something else: Not all “red lines” are drawn the same. Yes, President Barack Obama made an explicit warning to President Bashar al-Assad last summer concerning Syria’s chemical weapons stockpile. But the only intervention that the president currently seems to have in mind is, per a letter from the White House to Senator John McCain, “a comprehensive United Nations that can credibly evaluate the evidence and establish what took place.” This response merely substitutes one type of inaction for another.

But if the White House’s Syria policy over the past few months hasn’t been of much help to Syrians, it has helped to clarify what motivates the president’s thinking on intervention—namely, that it’s to be avoided if it suggests any possibility, however slight, of military involvement. Indeed, for those paying attention to the administration’s handling of Syria’s refugee crisis, Obama’s reluctance comes as no surprise. For weeks, that crisis has needlessly remained on the brink of disaster.

Some 4 million Syrians are internally displaced, and 1.2 million have fled to neighboring countries, according to the U.N. At the current rate of border crossings—some 4,000 a day—the population of Syrian refugees in Lebanon, Jordan, and Turkey will rise to one million each by year’s end. (To appreciate the scale, consider that the total Syrian population prior to the war was 20 million.) This isn’t a situation international agencies and NGOs are naturally equipped to handle. The United Nations High Commission for Refugees bears responsibility under international law for providing refugees with life’s basic necessities—shelter, food, and medical care—but the agency’s budget for crisis response depends entirely on donations from 193 member states. The costs have been immense in the case of Syria: In January, the UNHCR made a request for $1.5 billion for the year, which turned out to be only enough for the first four months of 2013.

Or rather, it would have been enough, had the donations actually come through—which, perhaps predictably, most of them did not. The donor conference held in Kuwait in January seemed, on the surface, to be a success, but many of the donations never arrived, at least as part of the U.N.’s coordinated relief efforts. (Three Gulf countries—Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates—pledged a combined $1 billion, but have preferred to distribute money and resources directly to Syrian refugees or through their own NGOs.) “We are perilously close, perhaps within weeks, to suspending some humanitarian support,” the heads of five U.N. agencies declared in a New York Times editorial last week. UNHCR is already struggling to pay for lighting and blankets in some refugee camps, and the U.N. Children’s Fund (UNICEF) has announced that without additional contributions “in the coming days and weeks,” it will have to cut vaccination efforts and water provision.

In one sense, the U.S. has already contributed plenty to this effort: The biggest donor of Syrian aid so far, Washington has pledged (and delivered) $385 million to the U.N. and affiliated agencies and organizations, and has promised bilateral aid to Jordan totaling $200 million. That’s why the Obama administration can, and does, claim that the U.S. has already done its part, while insisting that it’s time for other countries to step up—ideally, at the emergency donor conference that the U.N. is holding in Geneva in May.

As a strategy, you could do worse than call it “leading from behind,” a diplomatic analogue to the White House’s successful method for organizing a military coalition to intervene in Libya. But that’s precisely why it deserves more scrutiny. Why would the White House be inclined to treat a humanitarian mission similarly to a military one? Military coalitions can clearly serve as a useful kind of insurance against the unpredictable costs of war. (The chaos of the war in Iraq made the merits of a “light footprint” approach that much clearer.) In the case of humanitarian aid, though, the costs and the benefits of leadership are relatively transparent and predictable. On the basis of the humanitarian effects alone, the very fact that the Obama administration can afford to fill a significant chunk of the U.N.’s emergency funding gap—and with one war in Iraq over, and another winding down in Afghanistan, there’s certainly reason to think that it can find the money—is reason enough to consider that it should.

It’s true that if the United States shoulders more of the burden, other countries might feel they can get away with shirking their own responsibilities in future refugee crises. (And it’s worth pointing out that the donations from European countries have been especially pitiful thus far.) But such effects are abstract in a way that the suffering of refugees isn’t; is it really worth making a point about diplomatic moral hazard at the expense of abject Syrians?

Besides, humanitarian assistance isn’t just a matter of charity; it’s a political struggle. The millions of Syrians currently displaced by war are eventually going to return to their homes, and will presumably play a role in determining the shape of a future Syrian state. So the Gulf countries haven’t simply withheld their pledges to the U.N.; they’re actively supporting NGOs and organizations sympathetic to their own political goals—when they’re not delivering cash to refugees inside Syria and arms to jihadi rebels. (That this strategy might also force the U.N., an agency that many Syrians identify with the West, to shutter its relief operations, is a feature, not a bug.) And, needless to say, Islamic monarchies like Saudi Arabia and Kuwait don’t much share Washington’s vision of a secular and multi-sectarian post-Assad Syria. In other words, delivering more money to the U.N. is only part of the fight; Washington also needs to figure out how to publicly promote its efforts to aid Syrians.

But, judging from the Obama administration’s reticence until Thursday, the absence of public leadership hardly seems an accident. One gets the sense that the White House’s main goal is not only to avoid military intervention, but to avoid steps that might have the marginal effect of making military intervention more likely. And it’s undeniable that humanitarian assistance will eventually run up against limits imposed by the security situation in and around Syria: There’s only so much you can do in a war zone before you need a military of your own to keep humanitarian organizations safe.

Still, the least that any policy deserves is to be treated on its own terms. The fact that humanitarian assistance might eventually imply the need for military assistance isn’t a reason to simply dismiss the former. And however practiced the arguments about the Iraq war may be, there’s no good reason that a policy of humanitarian leadership needs to be confused with a posture of crude militarism.

So there is something strangely willful about the White House silence on Syria—a sense not that a humanitarian intervention might be unwise, but that any intervention might simply be too much for the U.S. to bear. Prudence is worthy of praise when it’s a matter of empiricism, but it’s not worth much when it’s simply a reflexive cringe at complex problems. We’re getting to the point where one can’t help but wonder whether the ultimate effect of Obama’s “light footprint” doctrine isn’t simply to lighten the burden of America’s capacity to lead.

General Brun puts Obama to the test

April 26, 2013

Israel Hayom | General Brun puts Obama to the test.

Boaz Bismuth

Will Brig. Gen. Itai Brun, the head of the Research Division at IDF Military Intelligence, be the person who ultimately forces Washington to take action in Syria? It’s far from certain, but the world, following Brun’s assessment that the Syrian regime used chemical weapons, has now fixed its gaze toward the Obama administration and how it chooses to respond.

Last August, the administration declared that the use of chemical weapons by the Assad regime would be crossing a red line. U.S. President Barack Obama committed America to action, if and when such a thing would transpire. After Brun’s statements, it took the Americans 48 hours, by way of Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel, to confirm that Syria had indeed used chemical weapons against opposition forces. Obama suddenly needs to seriously weigh his least favored option: military action in Syria.

Martin Indyk, the former U.S. ambassador to Israel, is not one of Obama’s traditional naysayers; quite the opposite. In an interview in The New York Times on Thursday, Indyk conceded that “The president’s red line appears to have been crossed.”

The Obama administration, according to Indyk, needs to consider how to proceed. Doing nothing would be a message to the region, specifically to the Iranians, though the blow to American deterrence regarding the future use of chemical weapons in Syria would be just as damaged. Brig. Gen. Brun, perhaps without intending to, has put Obama to the test.

The U.S. president doesn’t like war. He wants to be remembered as the person who brought the troops home from Iraq and Afghanistan, not the person who sent them to the front line. Since the beginning of the Arab uprising in the spring of 2011, Obama has been consistent: In Egypt he embraced the Muslim Brotherhood government, in Libya he was dragged along by Britain and France instead of leading the campaign to topple the Gadhafi regime, and in Syria he is currently playing the role of an extra. However, one can understand his caution — Syria is not Egypt, Tunisia, Libya or Yemen. The day after Assad is just as scary as his current regime.

Regardless, the Syrian regime crossed the line a long time ago already. The ongoing massacre of Syrian civilians is intolerable in a world where the horrors taking place there can be seen at any given time via a smartphone. Not to mention the use of chemical weapons, which even Britain and France have already told us where and when they were deployed.

While Hagel did admit Thursday that chemical weapons were used, he added that they were used “on a small scale,” and in Washington officials went even further, saying more conclusive evidence was needed. In the meantime, Iranian, Syrian and even in North Korean officials are closely following the Obama administration’s next step. Washington must realize that ignoring the red line is akin to waving a red flag.

Israel urges US action over Syrian chemical weapons

April 26, 2013

Israel Hayom | Israel urges US action over Syrian chemical weapons.

The U.S. should consider military action to curb Syrian chemical weapons after Washington went public with suspicions they have been used in the country’s civil war, Israel’s deputy foreign minister Ze’ev Elkin said Friday • Elkin: The Iranians are watching, the whole world is watching too.

Yoni Hirsch, News Agencies, and Israel Hayom Staff
Syrians flee from army shelling in Aleppo [Archive]

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Photo credit: Reuters

Israel to U.S.: Act on Syria Chemical Weapons

April 26, 2013

Israel to U.S.: Act on Syria Chemical Weapons – The Daily Beast.

Israeli officials urged the U.S. to consider military action in Syria as Britain’s Prime Minister David Cameron spoke out to back the U.S.’s claim that President Bashar al-Assad had used chemical weapons.

The White House said on Thursday that Syria likely used chemical weapons, but U.S. officials emphasized that they are not 100 percent certain. President Obama has previously stated that the use of such weapons would be a “game changer” in determining whether or not to intervene in Syria’s two-year-old civil war—which has claimed tens thousands of lives.

The administration urged caution, and said they would need definitive proof before getting involved. Israel is threatening to strike Syria—anxious to stop weapons from Assad’s army from falling into the hands of Hezbollah militants in neighboring Lebanon.

April 26, 2013 7:08 AM

UK downplays chance of military action in Syria

April 26, 2013

UK downplays chance of military action in Syria | JPost | Israel News.

( “So are they all, all honorable men…” – JW )

By JPOST.COM STAFF, REUTERS
04/26/2013 14:24
British PM says limited, but growing evidence of chemical weapons use by Assad regime which would constitute a “war crime.”

David Cameron at UJIA fundraiser

David Cameron at UJIA fundraiser Photo: Isaac Strang/UJIA

British Prime Minister David Cameron said Thursday that there was limited but growing evidence that the regime of Syrian President Bashar Assad had used chemical weapons in Syria, but added that it was unlikely that this would trigger British military action.

Cameron’s comments came after the White House said on Thursday that Assad’s government had probably used chemical arms on a small scale, but that US President Barack Obama needed proof before he would act.

Speaking in a BBC interview, Cameron called the likely use of chemical weapons in Syria, “extremely serious, this is a war crime, and we should take it very seriously.”

He agreed with Obama’s assertion that the use of chemical weapons was a “red line,” but said that Britain was trying not to make the mistake of rushing to judgment without verifying the evidence.

Cameron stated that he would not like to see British troops on the ground in Syria, but he does support increasing pressure on the Assad regime.

“I have always been keen for us to do more. We are working with the opposition, we want our allies and partners to do more with us to shape that opposition to make sure we are supporting people with good motives who want a good outcome, to put pressure on that regime so we can bring it to an end.”

Turkey was also cautious about foreign military intervention in Syria on Friday.

“We have been hearing allegations of the use of chemical weapons for quite some time now and these new findings take things to another level. They are very alarming,” Turkish foreign ministry spokesman Levent Gumrukcu said.

“Since the very first reports of chemical weapons being used in Syria emerged we have been asking for a thorough investigation by the United Nations to substantiate these reports. However, the Syrian regime has not allowed this.”

Syria, which has so far denied access to UN investigators because of a dispute over their remit, denies firing chemical weapons and accuses anti-Assad rebels of using them.

“This has been done by organizations, including al-Qaida, which threatened to use chemical weapons against Syria. They have carried out their threat near Aleppo. There were victims,” Syrian Information Minister Omran al-Zoubi said in Moscow.

“The Syrian army does not have chemical weapons,” Interfax news agency quoted Zoubi as saying.

A once-fervent advocate of foreign intervention in Syria, Turkey has grown increasingly frustrated with the fractured opposition to Assad and with international disunity.

Asked whether Turkey would allow foreign military action in Syria from its soil, Gumrukcu said the facts about chemical weapons usage needed to be substantiated first.

“Let’s not jump to that right now, let’s have a thorough investigation,” he said, adding any response if the claims were verified would need to be discussed among the “Friends of Syria” grouping of the opposition’s Western, Arab and other allies.

The European Union also responded cautiously, saying it hoped the United Nations would be able to send its investigating mission to Syria to check for chemical weapons use.

“We are still monitoring this along with our international partners to see what has really happened because it doesn’t seem entirely clear at this point in time,” said Michael Mann, a spokesman for EU foreign policy chief Catherine Ashton.

“We’ve seen that the regime in Syria doesn’t seem to have much respect for human life, but we can’t be definitive on this until we see definitive evidence,” Mann said.

‘Iran, not Israel, faces an existential threat’

April 26, 2013

‘Iran, not Israel, faces an existential threat’ | The Times of Israel.

Top US analyst says all of Islamic Republic’s population centers now within range of Israeli missiles with hydrogen warheads

April 26, 2013, 12:11 pm
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu draws a red line for Iran's nuclear program during his address to the UN General Assembly in September 2012. (photo credit: AP/Seth Wenig)

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu draws a red line for Iran’s nuclear program during his address to the UN General Assembly in September 2012. (photo credit: AP/Seth Wenig)

Iran, not Israel, faces an existential threat, according to a top US analyst who is considered one of the world’s leading scholars on the Iranian nuclear issue.

In a research paper published earlier this week, Anthony Cordesman of the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) said that in preparation for a nuclear Iran, Israel had been working in recent years to extend the range of its missiles, and that it now poses a real threat to all of the Islamic Republic’s major population centers.

Cordesman, a former national security aide to Senator John McCain, said Iran is now within the range of Israeli missiles carrying hydrogen warheads, which are far more powerful than standard atomic warheads. According to the report, each bomb with a hydrogen warhead has about a hundred times more power than a conventional nuclear bomb.

Israel has never admitted to having hydrogen warheads, much like it has never admitted to holding any nuclear weapons.

According to Cordesman’s report, Iran will not have the ability to threaten Israel with a long-range nuclear warhead for several years. Today, the Islamic Republic can attack Israel with small bombs from the sea, or with long-range non-nuclear missiles, he noted.

Iran maintains that its nuclear program is for peaceful purposes only and has no military component, a claim that Israel and Western powers reject.

Deputy FM: Action on Syria red line sends message to Iran

April 26, 2013

Deputy FM: Action on Syria red line sends message to Iran | JPost | Israel News.

Elkin says now that US, int’l community understand that Assad crossed chemical weapons red line, failure to act will send message to Iran that it can continue to develop nuclear weapons program with impunity.

A DRILL at the Meir Medical Center in Kfar Saba tests responses to a chemical weapons attack.

A DRILL at the Meir Medical Center in Kfar Saba tests responses to a chemical weapons attack. Photo: IDF Spokesperson

Deputy Foreign Minister Ze’ev Elkin warned Friday that a failure by the international community to act against Syria for using chemical weapons would show Iran that the US does not act when its “red lines” are crossed.

Elkin was speaking in an Army Radio interview a day after US Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel said that the US intelligence community believes that some chemical weapons, likely sarin gas, have been used in the Syrian civil war. Hagel’s announcement came after Israel’s top military intelligence analyst said Tuesday that the regime of Syrian President Bashar Assad had already used chemical weapons in its fight against the country’s opposition.

US President Barack Obama has said that the use of chemical weapons by the Assad regime would constitute a red line that would precipitate US military intervention in Syria. However, the White House was cautious on Thursday, stating that intelligence assessments were not sufficient and “credible and corroborated facts that provide us with some degree of certainty will guide our decision-making.”

Elkin posited on Friday that Washington and the international community’s response to evidence of chemical weapons use in Syria will affect efforts to stop Iran’s drive for a nuclear weapon.

“The world must take control of Assad’s chemical weapons supply…the moment the international community sees that they indeed crossed a red line and used chemical weapons, they must understand that their is no choice but to take this action,” Elkin told Army Radio.

“The Iranians are watching this. There is a question here – When they set a red line, do they act when it is crossed,” he added.

“If they do not act after the red line they set was crossed, the Iranians will understand that red lines set by the West are very flexible and they will continue to develop their nuclear program,” Elkin warned.

“If until now they tried to ignore our warnings and they thought that Assad had control of the weapons, now they see that the red line has likely been crossed,” he stated.

Elkin reiterated Israel’s concerns that Assad’s chemical weapons could fall into the hands of terrorist entities such as Hezbollah.

“What worries Israel is not who will control Israel, but rather, who will control the chemical weapons stockpile and how we eliminate the possibility of the arms being used all together,” he said. “The world is beginning to understand that these chemical weapons are a danger to all.”

Exiled Muslim Brotherhood plans return to Syria – FT.com

April 26, 2013

Exiled Muslim Brotherhood plans return to Syria – FT.com.

Chief of Syria's Muslim Brotherhood, Mohamed Riad Al-Shaqfa©AFP

The Muslim Brotherhood is set to open offices inside Syria for the first time since the organisation was crushed there decades ago, in an apparent effort to capitalise on the increasingly Islamised rebellion.

Riad al-Shaqfa, the movement’s exiled leader, said in an interview with the Financial Times that a decision was recently taken to revive organisational structures inside Syria and followers have been asked to start opening party offices in rebel-held areas.

“In the beginning we said this is a time for revolution, not ideology. Now there are many groups inside so we feel we should reorganise,” he said, adding that the Brotherhood – a similar movement to its Egyptian counterpart – was hoping to promote a more moderate brand of Islamist thinking at a time of growing radicalisation.

 

The decision comes amid heated controversy over the Brotherhood’s behind-the-scenes influence on the revolt against President Bashar al-Assad, and it is likely to be treated with suspicion by many of the group’s secular and liberal critics. At the same time, some in the opposition fear the Brotherhood’s efficiency, strong organisation and superior fundraising networks could enable them to dominate a fractured Syrian opposition.

 

The opening of the offices follows the launch of a twice-monthly newspaper that the group says is now distributing 10,000 copies in liberated areas of the country.

 

Speaking at the Brotherhood’s offices in Istanbul, a Syrian revolution flag wrapped around his neck, Mr Shaqfa denounced what he said was a campaign against the group backed by “outside” forces. He countered widespread accusations that his organisation, which has existed only in exile since a bloody 1980s crackdown by Mr Assad’s father Hafez, has been trying to control the fractious Syrian opposition.

“Those who attack us have no influence on the ground – they are media personalities and are trying through their attacks to create influence for themselves,” he said.

 

The regional context, and the questions raised over the commitment to democracy of its sister organisations which have taken power elsewhere in the region is not helping the Syrian Brotherhood’s case. “The fact that the Brotherhood won in Egypt and Tunisia raised fears about the Brotherhood in Syria,” said Mr Shaqfa.

 

The Brotherhood is not thought to have significant support on the ground, where membership in the organisation has been a capital offence under the Assad regime.

 

It is difficult to gauge the extent to which it will be able to reassert itself, especially at a time when armed groups and not political parties hold sway. Many of the rebel groups are puritanical Salafis, espousing a stricter interpretation of Islam than the Brotherhood.

 

Perhaps in an attempt to pave the way for a more official political comeback, the Brotherhood now has armed rebels affiliated with it. Dozens of small brigades calling themselves shields of the revolution emerged over the past year and are supported by the organisation.

 

Mr Shaqfa said these groups were formed not by members but by people with a political leaning close to the Brotherhood. They came together in a meeting in Istanbul last May and are now part of the supreme military command, the nominal rebel leadership backed by western and Arab governments. “These groups have their own commands and agreed to give back their weapons after the revolution,” he claimed.

 

Although the Brotherhood is believed to be backed by Qatar and Turkey, Mr Shaqfa insisted that all the help it has given on the ground, including the humanitarian support it has provided, comes from exiled members, many of them working in the Gulf.

 

Those who attack us have no influence on the ground– Riad al-Shaqfa

Within the political opposition, which is based outside Syria, the Brotherhood has operated through the Syrian National Council, the first opposition front formed after the eruption of the revolt in 2011.

 

Accusations that it was imposing its will on the SNC, however, drove other opposition groups and western states to promote the creation of a broader body, the Syrian National Coalition, which is now recognised as the representative of Syrians.

 

This, however, did not put an end to the controversy over the Brotherhood’s dominance. The infighting escalated last month when the Brotherhood backed the formation of an interim opposition government and its choice for prime minister won the internal Coalition election.

 

Secular activists in the Coalition were livid, some suspended their membership and stepped up their denunciations of the Brotherhood. Discussions are under way between various factions to contain the quarrel and the Coalition might be expanded to bring in more liberal and minority voices.

 

Mr Shaqfa said the Brotherhood has only 10 per cent of the seats on the Syrian National Council, which is now part of the Coalition, and had followed others, rather than led, in the election of Ghassan Hitto as interim prime minister. Though Mr Shaqfa is not opposed to expanding the Coalition, he said: “There is a group outside the coalition which wants to get in and so they say we control the coalition which isn’t true.”

 

The Brotherhood, however, is more organised than others, and it is also flexible in its positions, which creates suspicion over its motives. “If we haven’t pushed to form the Syrian National Council it would not have been formed, because there were no other parties. Others were not organised or strong,” said Mr Shaqfa.