Archive for March 22, 2013

What Obama Said About Iran

March 22, 2013

What Obama Said About Iran – The Daily Beast.

In several appearances over two days in Israel this week, Barack Obama spoke at length about the Iranian nuclear crisis. Much to the chagrin of the Israeli right, Obama appears ready to continue on the current course of slow diplomacy, waiting out a possible deal or, less preferably, an Iranian move that would drive him to strike militarily. He was not above issuing the “credible threat” the Israeli leadership demanded of him. For the moment, at least, they were sated. But how long can it last?

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SAUL LOEB

The speech in Jerusalem yesterday was Obama sticking to his guns, so to speak. “I do believe that all of us have an interest in solving this peacefully,” he told an auditorium full of Israeli university students, yielding momentarily to a tepid but rising applause. “A strong and principled diplomacy”—he paused a second time to soak up the emboldened clapping, and started again, only to be halted by louder cheering after declaring: “A strong and principled diplomacy is the best way to ensure that the Iranian government forsakes nuclear weapons.” But the highest crescendos of applause at Obama’s Iran remarks came when he said Iran was “not a danger that can be contained.” This time, he spoke through the applause: “And as president, I’ve said all options are on the table for achieving our objectives. America will do what we must to prevent a nuclear-armed Iran.” Then he stopped for more approbation, having before a foreign public just issued the threat of an American war, thinly veiled in its well worn euphemism, against a third nation.

“I think that in order to convince the Iranians and the Israelis that there’s another way than an Israeli strike or an Iranian weapon, they have to say what they’re saying,” Dov Zakheim, a former American Department of Defense official, said of the U.S. position. In order to find this third way, he told me on the sidelines of an Israeli security conference last week, more pressure would be needed. “But other than that, you convince them that you’re nutty enough to strike.” He added that “circumstances can change”—the Iranians might walk down from the ledge, allowing the de facto containment policy already in effect to continue. I asked him if U.S. strikes could cause a significant delay in Iran’s nuclear program. “Yes,” he replied assuredly. Five years? “Mr. Obama only cares about three and a half,” he said with a wry smile.

That will hardly be enough time for Benjamin Netanyahu, who, for his part, marks Iran perpetually at the top of his priority list. “We had an opportunity today to begin discussing the wide range of issues that are critical to both our countries,” Netanyahu said at a press conference Wednesday with Obama. “And foremost among these is Iran’s relentless pursuit of nuclear weapons.” He went on to agree with the timeline Obama gave earlier this week for an Iranian breakout, noting that the clock starts with an Iranian decision: “If Iran decides to go for a nuclear weapon—that is, to actually manufacture the weapon—then it probably—then it would take them about a year. I think that’s correct.” That doesn’t, however, affect the gap that remains in the two nuclear armed powers’ red lines for Iran: Obama speaks about Iran’s actual construction of a weapon as a red line, whereas Netanyahu still places his at Iran attaining a certain level of stockpiled medium-enriched uranium, which is a short step away from weapons grade.

Netanyahu has been eager to take credit for Iran’s hedging of its stockpiles. This week, the New York Times‘s David Sanger reported: “For Mr. Netanyahu, Iran’s recent decision to divert some of its medium-enriched uranium to make fuel rods for a research reactor, making it difficult to convert the uranium into nuclear fuel, represents a vindication of the red line he laid down at the United Nations: that Iran could not possess enough nuclear fuel to produce a single weapon.” Sanger is too credulous of Netanyahu: the information about Iran’s re-processing of nuclear fuel actually came out in an August report by the U.N.’s nuclear watchdog, a month before Netanyahu’s address. (Not so “relentless,” after all.) What has actually mattered are the American red lines. These haven’t been stated in bright lights but, rather than focusing on a medium-enrichment, would utilize intelligence to watch Iran for signs that an order to produce a weapon has been handed down (it hasn’t); that fissile material is being spun to weapons-grade (it hasn’t); or that Iran is making significant progress toward a delivery vehicle (it hasn’t). Obama would almost certainly rather wait out these potential steps for three and a half years than launch a military strike and hope the delay to Iran’s nuclear progress holds that long before new strikes are needed.

And Obama’s higher threshold for war meshes with the time he believes remains for a deal. Hints from Tehran suggest possible flexibly in dealing with world powers over its the disputed nuclear program. But these Iranian balloons pop just as frequently as they’re launched. A recalcitrant negotiator—driven by the whims of the Supreme Leader and pressure from powerful hardliners—Iran is a fickle player in the three dimensional chess game it plays with the U.S. and Israel. For the moment, if it ever was a serious possibility, an Israeli strike has been averted. But Iran may yet frolic around in this gap between the U.S. and Israeli positions. Provocations could as easily come in Netanyahu’s timeline—by this Spring or Summer—as Obama’s. Would Netanyahu take action if his red line gets crossed? Doubtful: with his political position weakened in elections and a tenuous coalition to deal with, Bibi’s unlikely to take those kinds of chances. That would leave a tense few months between Washington and Tel Aviv as the Americans listen and wait on Iran’s next move. If they take the leap, well, Obama has indeed made clear what he’ll do, no matter his passing mentions of “inevitable costs” and “unintended consequences” in Jerusalem on Thursday.

Love for the magical Mr. Obama

March 22, 2013

Love for the magical Mr. Obama | The Times of Israel.

Local media gushes over the US president’s speech to Israeli students, especially his use of Hebrew phrases of comfort

March 22, 2013, 3:54 pm
US President Barack Obama waves to the crowd after addressing Israeli students at the International Convention Center in Jerusalem, Thursday, March 21 (photo credit: Yonatan Sindel/Flash90)

US President Barack Obama waves to the crowd after addressing Israeli students at the International Convention Center in Jerusalem, Thursday, March 21 (photo credit: Yonatan Sindel/Flash90)

US President Barack Obama delivered a stirring speech at the International Convention Center in Jerusalem on Thursday; it was up to the Israeli press to pick it apart, and discern what he meant by it, on Friday. The thing they loved most: the Hebrew.

Maariv devotes a walloping 11 pages to its coverage of Obama’s activities around Israel and the Palestinian territories, but leads off with a full translation of the president’s address. One analysis piece in the paper says the atmosphere among the students in the crowd was like that of a rock concert. One member of the crowd who was interviewed had voted for Mitt Romney in the last US elections, but was nonetheless excited to attend.

“Because it’s the president of the United States,” he said flatly, clarifying that it’s star status, no matter what your political ideology is,” the daily writes.

Columnist Shalom Yerushalmi writes that the crux of Obama’s speech was that Israel is “strong enough to make peace with the Palestinians, and to give them an independent state, and thus you will also not lose your state’s Jewish and democratic identity.” He made it about the Palestinian issue, first and foremost, but were it up to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who “wanted Iran to stand at the center of things” in the speech, Obama wouldn’t have made the Palestinian issue so essential, Yerushalmi writes.

“The prime minister would have been happy to lock up the Palestinian file in a drawer and throw the key into the sea off Gaza. Obama saw what was the important and burning matter to him. After the carrot comes the stick,” he says.

Israel Hayom plays up the big quote in Hebrew from the speech — “Atem lo levad” — “You’re not alone,” which it displays prominently on the paper’s front page. Boaz Bismuth picks the speech apart, saying the first half was the “Likud Obama” and the second half was the “Meretz Obama.” The first part of the speech appealed to those concerned with Israeli security; the second appealed to those concerned about a Palestinian future, but both parts included the president’s magical delivery, he says.

“Obama came to Israel to try to enchant, and he succeeded at it,” Bismuth writes in his Page 3 column. “He chose to speak directly to the young, in order for them to help the new secretary of state, John Kerry, in his negotiation work and the coming battle.”

“Obama, the good friend of Bibi, spoke clearly about two states for two peoples, when one of them… is Jewish. The time has also come for the [Palestinian] Authority to internalize” the message, he writes. The real issue, according to Bismuth, is whether Obama will deliver like former presidents Jimmy Carter and Bill Clinton, or whether his speech was just good oratory.

The paper’s coverage of “Obamageddon” in Israel takes up the first 15 pages of Israel Hayom’s Friday edition.

Yedioth Ahronoth also puts the “You’re not alone” quote on the front page, splashed over a picture of Obama receiving the Presidential Medal of Distinction from his counterpart, Shimon Peres. On the inside pages, next to the photos of Obama and Peres smiling and raising their glasses at the state dinner held in the visiting leader’s honor, the key words in Yedioth’s analyses of the speech were “love” and “magic.”

Nahum Barnea writes that Obama didn’t come to bring a peace plan, but rather “to calm, to convince, to conquer.” He sums up the president’s speech this way: “The cost involved in establishing a Palestinian state is dwarfed by the benefits that will crop up with the end of the occupation.” Barnea says the speech had a good combination of “a broad historical canvas, a traditional worldview, experiences from the field, information, emotion, warmth, specific criticism.”

“The praises were a lover’s praises; the injuries were a lover’s injuries,” he gushes.

Hanoch Daum writes about “the moment that enchanted me” during Obama’s speech, and Sima Kadmon says that “Israel is in love.”

“On the president’s second day in Israel, it’s definitely possible to determine that Israel is enamored,” Kadmon writes. “The sensation was that if they had ballots at the convention center, Obama would have been elected prime minister of Israel.”

Haaretz leads with what the daily saw as the crux of the speech: “Demand peace from your leaders,” reads the headline. The paper’s editorial urges readers to pay attention to Obama, who pushed for security “through a fair and just peace, based on two states for two peoples,” and international diplomacy to thwart an Iranian nuke rather than unilateral Israeli military action.

“Obama’s objective on his trip to Israel was achieved: He conquered the hearts of Israelis and gave them a sense of security, in the hope that now they will assume the responsibility and push their leaders towards a peace agreement with the Palestinians,” it writes. “Let’s hope that Obama’s vision will fall on attentive ears.”

Nehemia Shtrasler is less enamored of Obama than are the others. He writes that the president’s real objective in visiting Israel and pushing for peace was to “bring quiet, promote trade, and, most important: allow the free and cheap flow of oil to the United States.”

He says that the majority of the conversations between the two heads of state were about Iran and Syria and that Obama seeks to empower Israel in order to protect American interests in the Middle East. “What the two said to each other on the peace process with the Palestinians was only poetic license. Obama will not stop Israel’s continued wallowing in the swamp of occupation on its way to a binational state, which will be the end of the Zionist dream.”

“If we don’t see a significant peace process here in the coming years, what will be left is just internal affairs. And the new government was established exactly for that: to deal with the economic-social-civil sphere,” he warns.

Israel, Turkey agree to normalize relations

March 22, 2013

Israel, Turkey agree to normalize relations | The Times of Israel.

Obama, brokering dramatic reconciliation, says it’s important the two nations restore good ties so they can cooperate on regional security

March 22, 2013, 4:56 pm
Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan (left) with US President Barack Obama during a bilateral meeting last March (photo credit: AP/Pablo Martinez Monsivais)

Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan (left) with US President Barack Obama during a bilateral meeting last March (photo credit: AP/Pablo Martinez Monsivais)

In a reconciliation demanded and brokered by President Barack Obama Friday, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his Turkish counterpart Recep Tayyip Erdogan spoke by telephone and agreed to end three years of frozen relations.

In the first conversation between the leaders since 2009, Netanyahu made it clear that the tragic consequences of the Mavi Marmara flotilla interception in May 2010 — in which nine Turkish citizens died — were not intended and expressed sorrow for the loss of life. He also agreed to compensate family members of the victims.

Turkey and Israel were once close allies, but relations unraveled in recent years, exacerbated in 2010 by the Israeli interception of the Mavi Marmara as it sought to break Israel’s blockade of the Gaza Strip.

The two leaders also agreed to cooperate on improving the humanitarian situation in Gaza.

The leaders agreed to return their respective ambassadors and pledged to overcome differences.

Obama said he welcomed the move and that it was important the two nations restore good relations so they can cooperate on regional security. The call came on the final day of Obama’s trip to Israel.

Last year, Erdogan accused Israel’s leaders of trying to eliminate the Palestinian population in Gaza. And the Turkish leader recently compared Zionism to Fascism at a UN meeting, prompting US Secretary of State John Kerry to object and say the remark complicated Mideast peace efforts. Erdogan said this week he had been misunderstood.

Iran Tango Foxtrot

March 22, 2013

Israel Hayom | Iran Tango Foxtrot.

 

Despite the hoopla and ceremony, Obama’s visit will be judge solely on the basis of the quiet understandings reached behind closed doors on the key issues: coordinating moves to stop Iran’s nuclearization, American willingness to ratchet up pressure on Iran; and perhaps the deployment of forces in the Persian Gulf for a possible blockade.

Shlomo Cesana
U.S. President Barack Obama and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in front of an Iron Dome battery on Wednesday.

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Photo credit: Avi Ohayon / GPO

First love, then war?

March 22, 2013

Israel Hayom | First love, then war?.

U.S. President Barack Obama’s charm offensive in Israel this week was sweet music to my ears. I truly enjoyed the talk of eternal alliance (lanetzach!), unwavering commitment to Israel’s security, and the Jewish people’s historic rights in the land of Israel.

I know that such reaffirmations of the U.S.-Israel bond are critically important to our staying power and deterrent power. They send a strong signal to Israel’s adversaries. They are much appreciated, and I salute the president for his magnanimous visit. I credit U.S. Ambassador Dan Shapiro for convincing Obama to take the high road and share the love.

But I worry that Obama’s soft love may soon give way to spoonfuls of tough love.

That’s certainly the case if you believe Obama’s shill Jeffrey Goldberg. He says Obama is preparing to “combat Israeli policy that seems wrong to him and in his estimation jeopardizes Israel’s future and also hurts the United States.” He came to Israel to “create space to combat misguided Israeli policy.” He came “to first make love and then war.”

Goldberg suggests that the visit was a slickly planned attempt to beguile us; that it was about making love to Israelis and then war on Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s policies; that it had a nefarious agenda behind it, which will play out in nasty chords in the coming weeks and months.

According to Goldberg, who trades and revels in his closeness to Obama, the president thinks Israelis to be “a damaged, lonely, and neurotic people, who need love badly.” So Obama came to embrace us, calm us down, and make us compliant; to smother us with affection, then clobber us with ultimatums; to make it easier to dictate a renewed settlement freeze and Israeli withdrawals.

Former U.S. ambassador and peace negotiator Martin Indyk is even starker in outlining Obama’s strategy. Indyk unabashedly says that Obama saw this trip as “an opportunity to gain critical leverage over Prime Minister Netanyahu by reintroducing himself to the Israeli people” as their great friend.

“If the president can change the balance of Israeli public opinion in his favor, he will benefit from a more positive relationship with a more pliant Israeli prime minister,” Indyk said.

“Once Israelis come to believe in Obama, Prime Minister Netanyahu will have to think long and hard before he decides again to upbraid the president in the Oval Office. It will not be so easy for him to refuse Obama’s requests to restrain settlement activity, to take confidence-building steps toward the Palestinians, and to pipe down about Iran’s nuclear program. Historically, the Israeli public has punished prime ministers who mishandle Israel’s all-important relationship with a popular U.S. president.”

Taking a page straight out of Bill Clinton’s playbook (“Shalom, chaver”) and George W. Ball’s infamous 1977 article (“How to Save Israel in Spite of Herself”), Obama is seeking to gain and leverage the trust of Israelis to make Netanyahu more “pliant.”

According to Goldberg, Obama has the right to save Israel in spite of herself because he is “the most Jewish president the United States has ever had” and he is practically a “representative of mainstream liberal American Judaism.” He loves Israel, identifies with Israel, cares for Israel, and is worried sick about Israel. He has the privilege and obligation to push and pressure Israel to do the right (Left!) thing because our leaders (Netanyahu) are screwing up the country’s future. He has the mandate to do so from American Jewry and from our own children.

I hope that the Goldberg and Indyk readings of Obama are wildly off base. I prefer to take Obama’s love at face value. I prefer to give Obama the benefit of the doubt. I prefer to believe that the leader of the free world came here to bolster us, not bamboozle us; and even, perhaps, to draw strength and inspiration for himself from the people of Israel. I want to believe that Obama has learned from his many first term mistakes in obsequious outreach to the radical Islamic world and in unjust unilateral demands of Israel.

But if I’m wrong, and the intrepid interpreters of Obama are right, we’re in for a rough ride, and Obama is in for a harsh awakening. The charm offensive will fail. It won’t turn Israelis against Netanyahu the way Obama hopes. It won’t bring peace.

Israelis are unlikely to buy into Obama’s “trust me” paradigm because, by and large, their reading of Middle East strategic and security realities jives with Netanyahu’s, not Obama’s. Israelis aren’t going to give Obama leeway to push Netanyahu because the president’s record is, frankly, unimpressive. He has been wrong about the Palestinians until now, and he hasn’t handled the Arab Spring so brilliantly either.

Nobody in Israel believes that a mad sprint toward grandiose signing ceremonies on the White House lawn, instead of modest diplomacy aimed at nudging Israeli-Palestinian relations away from the dangers of confrontation, is a good idea. Nobody in Israeli government thinks that concessions to a feckless and radicalized Palestinian Authority in the West Bank, without ending the rule of Iran and Hamas in Gaza, is going to take us forward. Nobody believes that Iran can be talked out of its nuclear drive.

When Obama acts decisively against Isfahan and Fordo, he’ll gain our trust. The president shouldn’t expect Israelis or Netanyahu to become “pliant” all of a sudden because he gave a few good speeches in Jerusalem.