Archive for January 15, 2013

‘Hagel backtracks on disparaging ‘Jewish lobby’ comments’

January 15, 2013

‘Hagel backtracks on disparaging … JPost – Diplomacy & Politics.

By JPOST.COM STAFF
01/15/2013 13:56
( Phasers on backpedal !…  JW )
US defense secretary nominee apologizes for comments he made in 2006 that “Jewish lobby” intimidates US lawmakers, promises to work to expand US-Israel ties and says he supports sanctions on Iran, Politico reports.

Chuck Hagel speaks in Islamabad, April 13, 2006

Chuck Hagel speaks in Islamabad, April 13, 2006 Photo: REUTERS/Mian Kursheed

US President Barack Obama’s nominee for defense secretary, Chuck Hagel, apologized for controversial comments he made in 2006 about a “Jewish lobby” in Washington, and clarified his position on Iran and Hezbollah in a letter to Democratic Senator Barbara Boxer, Washington news site Politico reported on Tuesday.

In the letter to Boxer, Hagel apologized for disparaging remarks he made in 2006, saying a “Jewish lobby” in Washington tends to “intimidate” lawmakers. He deemed it as “a very poor choice of words” and said he understands how such words “can be constructed as anti-Israel.”

According to Politico, Hagel clarified that he is “overwhelmingly supportive of a strong US-Israel strategic and security relationship,” and promised to work to expand the ties between the two countries.

Critics of the Nebraska Republican took to Sunday television news programs to drive home concerns that Hagel opposes sanctions and is satisfied with containing Iran, as opposed to preventing it from obtaining a nuclear weapon.

But Hagel, who repeated voted in the Senate against US sanctions on Iran over its nuclear program, wrote in the letter that he supports unilateral sanctions against Iran.

In 2006, Hagel questioned Israel’s dealings with Hezbollah in Lebanon and declined to sign a letter calling on the European Union to list Hezbollah as a terrorist organization. In his letter to Boxer, Hagel pacified critics by condemning Hezbollah as a terrorist threat to Israel, according to Politico.

Hagel added that he supports giving foreign aid to Israel, and that he previously called Hamas a terrorist group as well.

Reuters contributed to this report.

Report: Hagel apologizes for ‘Jewish lobby’ comments

January 15, 2013

Israel Hayom | Report: Hagel apologizes for ‘Jewish lobby’ comments.

Defense secretary nominee reportedly sends letter to Jewish Democratic Sen. Barbara Boxer, saying he fully supports unilateral sanctions on Iran and condemns Hezbollah as a terrorist threat • Calls his “Jewish lobby” comment “a very poor choice of words.”

Israel Hayom Staff and The Associated Press

 

Former Senator Chuck Hagel reportedly apologized over his past statements ahead of his confirmation hearings.

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Photo credit: Reuters

‘Netanyahu will work with Obama while safeguarding Israel’s interests’

January 15, 2013

Israel Hayom | ‘Netanyahu will work with Obama while safeguarding Israel’s interests’.

Likud campaign chief Gideon Sa’ar responds to harsh comments in report by journalist Jeffrey Goldberg, who quoted Obama as saying: “Israel doesn’t know what its own best interests are … Netanyahu is moving his country toward near-total isolation.”

Shlomo Cesana, Israel Hayom Staff and Reuters

 

U.S. President Barack Obama and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in 2011.

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Photo credit: Reuters

Outcome the ultimate test

January 15, 2013

Outcome the ultimate test – Israel Opinion, Ynetnews.

Op-ed: In second term, Netanyahu failed to achieve most important goal of stopping Iran’s nuclear program

Shimon Shiffer

Published: 01.15.13, 00:50 / Israel Opinion

In the argument over the NIS 11 billion the Netanyahu government spent on the preparations for an attack in Iran without American assistance, one must focus solely on the facts.

Forget Ehud Olmert’s claim that Netanyahu wasted the money on “hallucinatory escapades that haven’t, and won’t, come to fruition.” Let’s also disregard the response of Netanyahu, who boasted on Israel Radio that his government mobilized the world’s nations to impose economic sanctions on Iran and built “independent capabilities” against the Islamic Republic. In any case, it can be said with a high degree of certainty that in the four years of his second term the prime minister failed to achieve the most important goal he set for himself: To halt Iran’s efforts to equip itself with nuclear weapons.

It is safe to assume that the answers provided by officials in the Prime Minister’s Office to the attacks by former security establishment heads Yuval Diskin and Meir Dagan will not satisfy the heads if the inquiry commission that will be established in the future to examine the decision-making process vis-à-vis the Iranian issue.

According to reports released by the International Atomic Energy Agency, in the beginning of Netanyahu’s second term one could get the impression that Iran was very far from enriching quality uranium in significant amounts. Now, however, it appears that the ayatollah regime is very close to building its first bomb. Actually, it is claimed that the decision on whether to build the bomb is dependent solely on Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.

Moreover, it has been claimed that over the past four years Iran succeeded in constructing fortified and impenetrable installations which contain the equipment used to enrich the uranium needed to produce a nuclear bomb – a bomb that will change the regional and international reality.

Netanyahu mentioned this week his efforts to mobilize countries to impose sanctions against Iran. Really? The prime minister thought we had forgotten that he used to claim that sanctions were ineffective and that the only way to stop Iran was to launch an Israeli attack that would lift the existential threat on the Jewish state and prevent a disaster. So let’s stick to the facts: Netanyahu equated the Holocaust to a nuclear Iran and doubted our ability to survive in the event that Tehran produces nuclear weapons. The panic he created, it was argued, led to the withdrawal of billions of shekels that were deposited in Israel and to a surge in the number of Israelis applying for foreign passports.

In addition, Netanyahu and Barak spoke of an attack in October or November of last year, before Iran reaches the “zone of immunity” from an attack. The attack was not launched, and the Iranians can continue laughing until the next IAEA report, which will inform us that they have completed their nuclear project.

Meanwhile in America, Obama was elected to a second term and has recently selected as his next defense secretary Chuck Hagel, who is known for his staunch opposition to an attack on Iran and to resolving conflicts militarily. And so, following the elections Netanyahu is expected to find himself facing the cold shoulder of a hostile administration and the need to leave Iran alone and tackle the Palestinian issue.

Netanyahu conundrum faces Iranian riddle

January 15, 2013

Netanyahu conundrum faces Iranian riddle.

Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu speaks at a conference in the coastal city of Netanya, north of Tel Aviv, in this January 13, 2013 file photo. Netanyahu has a simple message as he seeks a third term in office - he is a strong man and a vote for him at parliamentary elections on January 22 means Israel will be a powerful nation. (Reuters)

Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu speaks at a conference in the coastal city of Netanya, north of Tel Aviv, in this January 13, 2013 file photo. Netanyahu has a simple message as he seeks a third term in office – he is a strong man and a vote for him at parliamentary elections on January 22 means Israel will be a powerful nation. (Reuters)

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has a simple message as he seeks a third term in office – he is a strong man and a vote for him at parliamentary elections on January 22 means Israel will be a powerful nation.

The Hebrew word for strong, “hazak”, peppers the television adverts of his right-wing Likud-Yisrael Beiteinu party like a compulsive mantra and is smeared across the blue-and-white campaign posters that dominate billboards around the country.

Robust leadership is vital, Netanyahu says, to deal with his generation’s biggest challenge – not the decades-old conflict with the Palestinians, but fears that Iran is bent on building an atomic bomb that could one day target the Jewish state.

“My priority, if I’m elected for a next term as prime minister, will be first to stop Iran from getting nuclear weapons,” Netanyahu told a delegation of U.S. senators who visited him in Jerusalem on January 11.

Iran denies that its nuclear program is aimed at making bombs and says Israel, widely assumed to have the Middle East’s only atomic arsenal, is the region’s greatest menace.

Recent opinion polls suggest that Netanyahu will indeed be re-elected at the head of a coalition government. This means the Iranian issue, which has largely lain dormant since before the U.S. presidential election in November, will return to the fore.

In the diplomatic battle over Iran, Netanyahu, 63, portrays himself as an uncompromising tough guy, a former commando turned conservative hardliner, who will go it alone against Tehran if necessary to thwart what he sees as an existential threat.

But just how strong is he? Not very if you are to believe the previous head of Israel’s Shin Bet intelligence agency, who has launched an astonishing pre-election attack on his former boss, accusing him of being weak and wavering.

“He has no strong core, no tough kernel about which you can say, ‘Know what? In an extreme situation, in a crisis situation, I can follow him. I can trust him,’” Yuval Diskin, who retired as Shin Bet chief in 2011, told the Yedioth Ahronoth daily in a front-page interview published on January 4.

Although opinion polls show most Israelis trust Netanyahu’s handling of security issues, Diskin is not the only senior official to express doubts about his character. That in turn reflects the fact that despite serving as Israeli prime minister longer than anyone bar founding father David Ben-Gurion, Netanyahu remains something of a conundrum.

While his rhetoric can make him sound brash and bullying, he has often proved circumspect and contradictory. Although he has promised reform, he has frequently clung to the status quo, both in domestic and foreign affairs.

The most American of all Israeli premiers, he has arguably presided over the worst relations with a U.S. president, due in part to disagreements over how to handle Iran.

‘Cult of death’

While Netanyahu’s motives and method can be questioned, few doubt that his concerns about Iran are genuine.

“Netanyahu’s raison d’etre is to save Israel from Iran. That is it. That is his mission in the most profound sense. I have seen it up close,” said Naftali Bennett, his chief of staff from 2006 to 2008 who quit the prime minister’s rightist political grouping and pitched his tent in the national-religious camp.

“Everything else is subject and subordinate to Iran. That is potentially an alibi for why he has not made any bold moves during his premiership and just minded the shop,” added Bennett, whose party may well be in the next coalition government.

Known universally in Israel by his childhood nickname ‘Bibi,’ Netanyahu works out of a nondescript Jerusalem building, about as far removed from other seats of power, such as the White House or Elysee Palace, as you could hope to find.

The first thing you notice when you enter his small office is a large map of the Middle East, with Israel set to the side and Iran dominating much of the document.

The issue also dominates the conversation as he questions whether Western politicians, who may doubt a nuclear Iran would risk its own destruction by attacking Israel, fully understand the Islamic Republic’s religious leadership.

“They know it’s a very bad thing, but they need to understand the convulsive power of militant Islam…the cult of death, the ideological zeal,” he said in a meeting last year, before the election campaign started.

A stocky, imposing man, Netanyahu has regularly drawn parallels between Nazi Germany and modern-day Iran. On his well-stacked bookshelves, sit a number of biographies of Winston Churchill, a man Netanyahu says he admires because he realized the true dangers posed by Adolf Hitler before other leaders.

History matters to Netanyahu. His father, Benzion, was a renowned Zionist historian and a decisive influence on his son. A fervent believer in the idea of “Greater Israel,” he was opposed to any compromise with the nation’s enemies.

“Bibi is the son of an historian and if you want to understand him, you have to start there,” said one of the prime minister’s closest aides, who declined to be named.

It was thanks to his father’s teaching work in the United States that Netanyahu developed one of his important political tools – fluent English that he has used to great effect to woo influential audiences, notably in the U.S. Congress.

After studying at a U.S. high school, he returned to Israel for his military service. He served in the elite special forces – the same unit his charismatic brother fought and died in.

Yonatan became a national hero after he was killed in 1976 in a daring raid to free more than 100 Israelis being held by pro-Palestinian hijackers at Entebbe Airport, in Uganda.

Armchair psychoanalysts have suggested that the killing stoked a deep dislike of Palestinians in the young Netanyahu. What is certainly true is that Yonatan’s death helped propel Bibi into the limelight, from where he has rarely strayed.

‘Show me some leg’

A rapid rise in the world of politics saw him became Israel’s youngest prime minister in 1996. But his government survived barely three years, buffeted by crises and squabbles.

He returned to the top a decade later as a less brash leader, who was nimbler at coalition politics, enabling him to secure rare stability and win cover billing in Time magazine as “The King of Israel.”

But the calm of his coalition over the past four years has not been matched by tranquility within his inner circle, which centers around the so-called Aquarium – a sealed-off cluster of offices where the toughest decisions of state are made.

“Bibi demands loyalty, but I don’t think that his behavior makes you feel necessarily loyal. He is very, very suspicious, even towards his closest guys,” says a former official, who quit his post during the last term and declined to be named.

After taking office in 2009, Netanyahu made a major speech, declaring that he was ready to accept a demilitarized Palestinian state alongside the Jewish state, ending years of opposition to such a move at a personal and party level.

Netanyahu’s commitment to this pledge is widely questioned.

At a meeting in 2010, U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton asked the Israeli leader to “show me some leg” and explain what concessions he was willing to make to the Palestinians, according to someone present at the meeting.

Netanyahu shooed everyone from the room and talked alone with Clinton, afraid his comments would otherwise leak.

But he never showed his leg to the wider world and the Palestinian issue was swiftly shunted down the global agenda after direct peace talks broke down in late 2010 over continued Jewish settlement building in the occupied West Bank.

To the exasperation of his Western allies, Netanyahu has pursued the settlement drive, announcing in December alone plans for more than 10,000 homes on land seized by Israel in the 1967 war – a move that jeopardizes the so-called two-state solution of an independent Palestine sitting alongside the Jewish state.

One of his most vocal critics, Gideon Levy, a prominent left-wing journalist, accuses Netanyahu of deliberately playing up the Iranian threat to divert attention from the Palestinians.

“Spreading fear. That is his big capacity. To spread fear,” said Levy, who regularly rails against Netanyahu in Israel’s liberal Haaretz newspaper.

“I think he deeply, deeply does not believe in peace with the Arabs in general and the Palestinians in particular. He just wants to get the Palestinian issue off the table.”

Without significant pressure from Washington, it will remain off the table for the foreseeable future, with Netanyahu’s own party drifting ever further rightwards.

‘Backbone for rent’

According to Israeli calculations, Iran may be only a couple of months away from crossing a “clear red line” for uranium enrichment that Netanyahu spelled out at the United Nations in September.

For all Netanyahu’s dire warnings, a poll this month by the Times of Israel showed just 12 percent of Israelis saw Iran as the top priority facing the next government, compared with 16 percent who named deteriorating relations with the Palestinians and 43 percent who pointed to economic problems.

“Despite their hostility and differences, the Iranian and Israeli governments have one thing in common, they both try to portray outside threats as the most urgent issue, but their citizens disagree,” says Meir Javedanfar, a Middle East analyst at the Interdisciplinary Center in Herzliya, near Tel Aviv.

“It’s time for both countries to listen to their public.”

That is unlikely to happen if Netanyahu wins next week.

Members of his inner circle say his legacy depends almost entirely on whether he prevents Iran from obtaining nuclear weapons.

Even his political opponents credit him with putting the issue on the top of the global agenda, helping to convince Western nations to impose increasingly tough sanctions on Iran.

But many pour cold water on the idea that he is ready to unleash a hazardous, long-range war to try to halt Iran.

For all his tough talk, Netanyahu has only launched one, brief, military confrontation in more than seven years in office – a conflict against Hamas militants in Gaza last November that ended after eight days without the threatened land offensive.

Reflecting the view of his critics, who wanted the army to be sent in, Israeli daily Maariv printed a cartoon of Netanyahu carrying an object under his arm marked “backbone for rent.”

But some influential figures in the security establishment are starting to believe that Netanyahu might be ready to strike at the Islamic Republic for history, despite the risks.

In 2011 a senior Israeli strategist, screwing up his fingers to show two tiny holes, said dismissively of Netanyahu: “The man has balls the size of raisins.”
A year on, the same official has changed his tune.

“It’s amazing,” he said. “He is really serious about Iran.”

Obama: ‘Israel Doesn’t Know What Its Best Interests Are’ – Bloomberg

January 15, 2013

Obama: ‘Israel Doesn’t Know What Its Best Interests Are’ – Bloomberg.

Shortly after the United Nations General Assembly voted in late November to upgrade the status of the Palestinians, the government of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu announced that it would advance plans to establish a settlement in an area of the West Bank known as E-1, and that it would build 3,000 additional housing units in east Jerusalem and the West Bank.

A large settlement in E-1, an empty zone between Jerusalem and the Jewish settlement city of Maaleh Adumim, would make the goal of politically moderate Palestinians — the creation of a geographically contiguous state — much harder to achieve.

The world reacted to the E-1 announcement in the usual manner: It condemned the plans as a provocation and an injustice. President Barack Obama’s administration, too, criticized it. “We believe these actions are counterproductive and make it harder to resume direct negotiations or achieve a two-state solution,” said Tommy Vietor, a spokesman for the National Security Council.

‘Best Interests’

But what didn’t happen in the White House after the announcement is actually more interesting than what did.

When informed about the Israeli decision, Obama, who has a famously contentious relationship with the prime minister, didn’t even bother getting angry. He told several people that this sort of behavior on Netanyahu’s part is what he has come to expect, and he suggested that he has become inured to what he sees as self-defeating policies of his Israeli counterpart.

In the weeks after the UN vote, Obama said privately and repeatedly, “Israel doesn’t know what its own best interests are.” With each new settlement announcement, in Obama’s view, Netanyahu is moving his country down a path toward near-total isolation.

And if Israel, a small state in an inhospitable region, becomes more of a pariah — one that alienates even the affections of the U.S., its last steadfast friend — it won’t survive. Iran poses a short-term threat to Israel’s survival; Israel’s own behavior poses a long-term one.

The dysfunctional relationship between Netanyahu and Obama is poised to enter a new phase. Next week, Israeli voters will probably return Netanyahu to power, this time at the head of a coalition even more intractably right-wing than the one he currently leads.

Obama has always had a complicated relationship with the prime minister. On matters of genuine security, Obama has been a reliable ally, encouraging close military cooperation, helping maintain Israel’s qualitative military edge over its regional rivals and, most important, promising that he won’t allow Iran to cross the nuclear-weapons threshold.

Yet even this support didn’t keep Netanyahu from pulling for Republican candidate Mitt Romney in last year’s presidential campaign.

On matters related to the Palestinians, the president seems to view the prime minister as a political coward, an essentially unchallenged leader who nevertheless is unwilling to lead or spend political capital to advance the cause of compromise.

Senator John Kerry of Massachusetts, Obama’s nominee to replace Hillary Clinton as secretary of state, is said to be eager to re-energize the Middle East peace process, but Obama — who already has a Nobel Peace Prize — is thought to be considerably more wary. He views the government of Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas as weak, but he has become convinced that Netanyahu is so captive to the settler lobby, and so uninterested in making anything more than the slightest conciliatory gesture toward Palestinian moderates, that an investment of presidential interest in the peace process wouldn’t be a wise use of his time.

Obama, since his time in the Senate, has been consistent in his analysis of Israel’s underlying challenge: If it doesn’t disentangle itself from the lives of West Bank Palestinians, the world will one day decide it is behaving as an apartheid state.

The Consequences

For Israel, the short-term consequences of Obama’s frustration are limited. The U.S. won’t cut off its aid to Israel, and Obama’s effort to thwart Iran’s nuclear ambitions will continue whether or not he’s fed up with Netanyahu.

But it is in terms of American diplomatic protection — among the Europeans and especially at the UN — that Israel may one day soon notice a significant shift. During November’s vote on Palestine’s status, the U.S. supported Israel and asked its allies to do the same. In the end, they were joined by a total of seven other countries, including the Pacific powerhouses Palau and Micronesia.

When such an issue arises again, Israel may find itself even lonelier. It wouldn’t surprise me if the U.S. failed to whip votes the next time, or if the U.S. actually abstained. I wouldn’t be particularly surprised, either, if Obama eventually offered a public vision of what a state of Palestine should look like, and affirmed that it should have its capital in East Jerusalem.

Obama isn’t making unreasonable demands. Israeli concerns about the turmoil in Syria and the rise of the Muslim Brotherhood are legitimate in the American view, and Obama knows that broad territorial compromise by Israel in such an unstable environment is unlikely.

But what Obama wants is recognition by Netanyahu that Israel’s settlement policies are foreclosing on the possibility of a two-state solution, and he wants Netanyahu to acknowledge that a two-state solution represents the best chance of preserving the country as a Jewish-majority democracy. Obama wants, in other words, for Netanyahu to act in Israel’s best interests.

So far, though, there has been no sign that the Israeli government is gaining a better understanding of the world in which it lives.

(Jeffrey Goldberg is a Bloomberg View columnist and a national correspondent for the Atlantic. The opinions expressed are his own.)

To contact the writer of this article: Jeffrey Goldberg at .

To contact the editor responsible for this article: Timothy Lavin at tlavin1@bloomberg.net.

Obama prepares public to accept first Iranian nuclear test

January 15, 2013

Obama prepares public to accept first Iranian nuclear test.

( Hoping that debka is full of it, as it often is.  Still… – JW )

DEBKAfile Special Report January 15, 2013, 10:56 AM (GMT+02:00)

A demonstration in Tehran
A demonstration in Tehran

Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu told an Israeli TV interviewer Monday night, Jan. 14 that his government had spent billions of shekels to outfit Israel’s Defense Forces with offensive and defensive options which were hitherto lacking. He stressed Israel is obliged to be extremely strong – whether to stand up to the Iranian nuclear threat and the extremist Islamist wave lashing the Arab world – or to make peace.
Earlier Monday, Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Benny Gantz ceremonially installed Maj. Gen. Gady Eisenkott as deputy C.-of-S, after the state attorney had approved his taking up the post irregularly in the middle of an election campaign in view of Israel’s security situation.
When the AG made that decision some days ago, a decision by Syrian President Bashar Assad to attack Israel with chemical weapons was taken into account as a possibility. Not that the danger is over,  only that it was pushed into a quiet corner by the statements made last Friday, Jan. 11 by Defense Secretary Leon Panetta and Chairman of the Joint US Chiefs Gen. Martin Dempsey.

They explained at a joint news conference in Washington that if Assad chose to use his chemical stockpiles, it would be virtually impossible for US intelligence to detect it in advance or to stop him. “You would have to actually see it before it happened,” said Dempsey.

However, not so longer ago, last August, the same Secretary Panetta and Defense Minister Ehud Barak said they were certain that if Iranian leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei gave the order to build a nuclear bomb, “…we will know it, we and you and some other intelligence services will know about it…”
However, the latest comment on the Syrian chemical threat also lets the cat out of the bag on another WMD menace lurking in wait for the region. Because, if US intelligence finds itself unable to detect an Assad order for a chemical attack, how can they be sure to know when Iran starts building a nuclear bomb? The answer is they can’t.
Anticipating this question, the Obama administration had its answer ready.

Monday, the Institute for Science and International Security’s president, David Albright, a proliferation expert who often represents thinking in US security and intelligence agencies, presented a 154-page report in Washington titled “Strategy for US Nonproliferation in the Changing Middle East” He was one of the co-chairs of this project which once again shifted all the way to mid-2014 the key timeline for Iran to be able “to produce enough weapon-grade uranium for one or bombs without detection by the West.”

President Barack Obama is obviously preparing for his second term in office a policy that lines up his Middle East unconventional weapons ducks – Syrian chemical and Iranian nuclear – under the same revised estimate. Contrary to previous official US statements, Albright now establishes that US intelligence is incapable of pinning down the moment when Iran starts assembling a nuclear bomb, any more than it can detect the Syrian order to embark on chemical warfare.

Therefore, a preemptive operation is out and people must get ready to wake up one morning to find Iran has carried out its first nuclear test, in the same way as they must expect to be surprised by Bashar Assad’s launch of a chemical attack. Only then, may Washington and Jerusalem begin wondering what to do.
But to stave off that moment, Obama still hopes the secret negotiations he initiated with Iran last month plus stiff sanctions (so for ineffective for slowing down Iran’s nuclear progress) will do the trick of holding Tehran back from building a bomb. Failing this result, the Albright report provides him – and Iran – with another eighteen months’ grace.

debkafile’s military and intelligence sources affirm that this new estimate may be convenient for some but it is false: Iran already has enough enriched uranium – produced or procured – for building at least five nukes. This is no secret. Wednesday, Jan. 9, the Financial Times reported that a stock of 5 tonnes of un-enriched uranium, enough to produce weapons-grade fuel for five atomic devices, had gone missing in Syria and may have passed to Iran. The stock had been prepared for the nuclear reactor Bashar Assad was building at Al-Kibar in eastern Syria before it was destroyed by Israel in 2007. The information was based on British intelligence sources.
The nuances in Netanyahu’s current reference to the Iranian nuclear threat suggest that he too is aware of the new winds blowing in Washington. In his latest statement, he departed from his standard assertion that his government would not permit Iran to acquire a nuclear weapon and said instead: “The government which I head has invested billions to prepare the country for the Iranian threat.”

Morsi’s Slurs Against Jews Stir Concern – NYTimes.com

January 15, 2013

Egypt’s Leader, Morsi, Made Anti-Jewish Slurs – NYTimes.com.

Mohamed Morsi, Egypt’s president, attacked Zionists in a 2010 interview, when he was a Muslim Brotherhood leader.

CAIRO — Nearly three years ago, a leader of the Muslim Brotherhood delivered a speech urging Egyptians to “nurse our children and our grandchildren on hatred” for Jews and Zionists. In a television interview around that time, the same leader described Zionists as “these bloodsuckers who attack the Palestinians, these warmongers, the descendants of apes and pigs.”

That leader, Mohamed Morsi, is now president of Egypt — and his comments may be coming back to haunt him.

Since beginning his campaign for president, Mr. Morsi has promised to uphold Egypt’s treaty with Israel and to seek peace in the region. In recent months, he has begun to forge a personal bond with President Obama around their successful efforts to broker a truce between Israel and Palestinian militants of the Gaza Strip.

But the exposure this month of his virulent comments from early 2010, both documented on video, have revealed sharp anti-Semitic and anti-Western sentiments, raising questions about Mr. Morsi’s efforts to present himself as a force for moderation and stability. Instead, the disclosures have strengthened the position of those who say Israel’s Arab neighbors are unwilling to commit to peace with the Jewish state.

“When the leader of a country has a history of statements demonizing Jews, and he does not do anything to correct it, it makes sense that many people in Israel would conclude that he cannot be trusted as a partner for peace,” said Kenneth Jacobson, deputy national director of the Anti-Defamation League.

Representatives of Mr. Morsi have declined repeated requests over more than three days for comment on his remarks. One reason may be that the re-emergence of his previous statements has now trapped him in a political bind. While his past comments may be a liability abroad, he faces a political culture at home in which such defamation of Jews is almost standard stump discourse. Any attempt to retract, or even clarify, his slurs would expose him to political attacks by opponents who already accuse him of softness toward the United States and Israel.

Signs asserting Mr. Morsi works for Mr. Obama are already common at street protests. Perhaps “the Muslim Brotherhood is so desperate for U.S. support that it is willing to bend over backwards to humor the Israelis,” Emad Gad, a leader of the Social Democratic Party, suggested in a recent column.

Outlining Mr. Morsi’s dilemma, the Egyptian satirist Bassem Youssef used the president’s anti-Semitic remarks to set up a contrast with his more recent collaborations with Washington and Israel, including the brokering of a cease-fire with Palestinian militants in Gaza. Mr. Youssef, whose television program broadcast the video clip about hatred Friday night, juxtaposed Mr. Morsi’s 2010 statements denouncing “Zionists” and their Western supporters, including Mr. Obama, with the Egyptian president’s more recent declaration that he hoped Egypt and the United States could be “real friends.”

“Of course being in an international role has its rules and restrictions,” Mr. Youssef said on the program, advising Mr. Morsi and his Islamist allies to retract their inflammatory talk: “Admit everything you said in the past was a joke, or stop bluffing.”

As the chief of the Brotherhood’s political arm before becoming president, Mr. Morsi was one of the group’s most outspoken critics of Zionists and Israel. He sometimes referred to Zionists as “Draculas” or “vampires,” using demonizing language historically associated with anti-Semitism. Although he explicitly denigrates Jews in the recently exposed videos, Mr. Morsi and other political and Brotherhood leaders typically restrict their inflammatory comments to the more ambiguous category of “Zionists.”

The anti-Semitic statements that have come to light this month both date back to 2010, when anti-Israeli sentiment was running high after a three-week conflict between Israel and Hamas in Gaza the previous year.

In the video footage first broadcast Friday on Mr. Youssef’s television program, Mr. Morsi addressed a rally in his hometown in the Nile Delta to denounce the Israeli blockade of Gaza. “We must never forget, brothers, to nurse our children and our grandchildren on hatred for them: for Zionists, for Jews,” Mr. Morsi declared. Egyptian children “must feed on hatred; hatred must continue,” he said. “The hatred must go on for God and as a form of worshiping him.”

“The land of Palestine will not be freed except through resistance,” he said, praising the militant group Hamas as an extension of the Brotherhood.

“Who is our enemy? The Zionists. Who occupies our land? The Zionists. Who hates us? The Zionists. Who destroys our lands? The Zionists,” Mr. Morsi added, lashing out at “America, France and Europe” as “Zionist” supporters.

“And the last of them is that Obama,” Mr. Morsi said. He called the American president a liar who promised the Arab world “empty meaningless words.”

The other video clip was a television interview from the same period unearthed last week by the Middle East Media Research Institute, based in Washington, which tracks anti-Semitic statements in the Arab world.

“These bloodsuckers who attack the Palestinians, these warmongers, the descendants of apes and pigs,” Mr. Morsi declared, using a slur for Jews that is familiar across the Muslim world. Although he referred repeatedly to “Zionists” and never explicitly to Jews, Mr. Morsi echoed historic anti-Semitic themes: “They have been fanning the flames of civil strife wherever they were throughout their history. They are hostile by nature.”

Some analysts said the gap between Mr. Morsi’s caustic statements as a Brotherhood leader and his more pragmatic actions as president illustrated the many factors besides ideology that shape political decisions. “What you believe in your heart is not the same as what you do in power,” said Shadi Hamid, research director of the Brookings Doha Center. Whatever Mr. Morsi’s opinions about Jews, he has left Egypt’s foreign policy toward Israel largely unchanged, Mr. Hamid said.

Mr. Morsi’s past statements may still raise questions about how he would act in the future if Egypt were not constrained by its financial dependence, relative military weakness and a network of Western alliances. But in contemporary Egyptian politics the gap between his past vitriol and his present comity may serve mainly as a tempting target for his opponents, Mr. Hamid said.

“You are already starting to hear his opponents saying, ‘Morsi is too close to the U.S. and doing its bidding in the Middle East,’ ” he said. “It would be smart to attack him there because he may be vulnerable.”

Mayy El Sheikh contributed reporting.