Archive for November 24, 2012

Egypt: No US troops in Sinai as part of ceasefire

November 24, 2012

Jerusalem Post – Breaking News.

( Debka wrong?  You’re kidding… – JW )

By JPOST.COM STAFF
LAST UPDATED: 11/24/2012 17:45
Egyptian military spokesman Mohamed Ahmed Ali on Saturday denied a report that US forces would be deployed in Sinai as part of the ceasefire agreement signed earlier this week between Israel and Hamas, according to Egypt Independent.

“The armed forces confirms entrenched Egyptian national security policies to preserve its sovereignty. It doesn’t accept the presence of foreign forces on its land,” Ali reportedly posted to his Facebook page.

He added that the only foreign forces based in Sinai are multinational ones, which have been located there since Israel’s withdrawal from the Peninsula in 1982 in accordance with the peace treaty with Egypt.

The report also was denied by Egyptian military attache in Washington, Major General Mohamed al-Keshki.

Arab Spring? Military Dictatorship replaced by Totalitarian Theocracy

November 24, 2012

Military Dictatorship replaced by Totalitarian Theocracy – Arab Spring? – YouTube.

“The Muslim Brotherhood didn’t act as a leader when the Egyptian revolutions started, but it somehow managed to take a leading position and place itself at head. Now, if we exclude the Muslim Brotherhood, then we wil not find any leader at all,” Middle East expert Leonid Syukiyanen told RT.

But journalist Ahmed Fathi believes military rule in Egypt has simply been replaced by another kind of dictatorship.

“What Mohamad Morsi has done, Mubarak in the height of his power could not even dream of achieving,” Fathi told RT. “The Egyptians now are seeing clearly they have replaced the military-fascist regime of Hosni Mubarak into the religious-fascist regime of Mohamed Morsi and the Muslim Brotherhood.”

Meanwhile, the United Nations said the decree raised serious human rights concerns.

http://rt.com/news/egypt-protests-morsi-march-420/

Repairs begin on Gaza’s smuggling tunnels

November 24, 2012

Repairs begin on Gaza’s smuggling tunnels.

Rafah's tunnel workers return to a crater strewn landscape after eight days of bombing by Israel. (Reuters)

Rafah’s tunnel workers return to a crater strewn landscape after eight days of bombing by Israel. (Reuters)

Resembling a lunar landscape, the Rafah smuggling tunnels took the full force of Israel’s eight-day offensive against the Gaza Strip.

Dug through the sandy soil, the tunnels serve as a vital crossroads for goods of all varieties entering the strip. After eight days of near continuous bombardment by Israeli forces most of the tunnels are severely damaged or completely destroyed.

For the workers of these underground trade routes, the damage is a set back but the tunnels will be rebuilt.

“As you can see there is complete destruction, the tunnels are all destroyed because of the missiles. We will rebuild them and bring in food, flour lentils and sugar and building material such as cement and metal so that the people can break the siege on Gaza,” said Mohamad Omar on Friday (November 23), while his friends cleared up their camp.

Israel accuses the armed militant groups, based in Gaza, of smuggling weapons through the tunnels, weapons that eventually end up being fired at Israel. The Israeli military says it destroyed 140 of them in its air campaign.

Gaza militant groups and Israel on Wednesday agreed to a truce, but the Jewish state will not lighten its blockade of the enclave, Israeli sources said, as some Hamas officials had hoped it might.

The Rafah border crossing with Egypt also remained mostly closed to traffic.

The impoverished enclave’s food supply remained stable despite eight days of withering Israeli air assaults aimed at Palestinian militants, but medical supplies were running short.

Workers say the attacks destroyed more than two-thirds of the cross-border tunnels that bring cement, fuel and food – as well as weapons – into the coastal strip blockaded by Egypt and Israel since the Hamas Islamist group began its rule there in 2007.

“We are trying to fix the tunnel in order to return to our normal life which we need the tunnel for work. It costs a lot but what can we do, we have to fix it. For example this tunnel of ours which has been hit it will cost no less that 40 thousand dollars to fix,” said Mohamad Aladwan, standing next to the tunnel we works on.

None of the tunnel workers interviewed said they had handled military materiel, and all said they were eager to reopen them for the sake of Gaza’s civilians, and their own livelihoods.
Wednesday’s ceasefire ended eight days of lopsided fighting in Gaza and Israel that killed more than 160 Palestinians and six Israelis.

For the more than 1,000 wounded Palestinians recovering in hospitals, deliveries of medicine by the World Health Organization and other aid agencies after the ceasefire arrived just in time.

Youths, police clash as Egyptian judiciary condemns Morsi Youths, police clash as Egyptian judiciary condemns Morsi

November 24, 2012

Youths, police clash as Egyptian judiciary… JPost – Middle East.

( So go elect the Moslem brotherhood?  Sorry, Egypt… – JW )

By REUTERS
11/24/2012 15:21
Activists hurl rocks at police near Tahrir Square a day after more than 300 hurt in demonstrations across country; Egypt’s highest judicial authority calls Morsi’s power grab an “unprecedented attack” on the judiciary.

November 23 clashes in Cairo's Tahrir Square

Photo: REUTERS

Youths clashed with police in Cairo on Saturday as protests at new powers assumed by President Mohamed Morsi stretched into a second day, confronting Egypt with a crisis that has exposed the split between newly empowered Islamists and their opponents.

A handful of hardcore activists hurling rocks battled riot police in the streets near Tahrir Square, where several thousand protesters massed on Friday to demonstrate against a decree that has rallied opposition ranks against Morsi.

Following a day of violence in Cairo, Alexandria, Port Said and Suez, the smell of teargas hung over the square, the heart of the uprising that swept Hosni Mubarak from power in February 2011.

More than 300 people were injured on Friday. Offices of the Muslim Brotherhood, which propelled Morsi to power, were attacked in at least three cities.

Egypt’s highest judicial authority said the decree marked an “unprecedented attack” on the independence of the judiciary, the state news agency reported.

Egyptian judges in Alexandria go on strike in protest of decree

Judges in the Egyptian city of Alexandria decided to go on strike on Saturday in protest of Morsi’s decree, the state news agency reported.

The judges’ club in Alexandria said work would be suspended in all courts and prosecution offices until the decree was reversed, the agency reported.

Leftist, liberal and socialist parties have called for an open-ended sit-in with the aim of “toppling” the decree which has also drawn statements of concern from the United States and the European Union. A few dozen activists manning makeshift barricades kept traffic out of the square on Saturday.

Calling the decree “fascist and despotic”, Morsi’s critics called for a big protest on Tuesday against a move they say has revealed the autocratic impulses of a man jailed by Mubarak, who outlawed Morsi’s Muslim Brotherhood.

“We are facing a historic moment in which we either complete our revolution or we abandon it to become prey for a group that has put its narrow party interests above the national interest,” the liberal Dustour Party said in a statement.

Issued late on Thursday, the decree marks an effort by the Morsi administration to consolidate its influence after it successfully sidelined Mubarak-era generals in August.

The decree reflects the Muslim Brotherhood’s suspicion towards sections of a judiciary unreformed from Mubarak’s days: it guards from judicial review decisions taken by Morsi until a new parliament is elected in a vote expected early next year.

It also shields the assembly writing Egypt’s new constitution from a raft of legal challenges that have threatened the Islamist-dominated assembly with dissolution.

The Morsi administration has defended the decree on the grounds that it aims to speed up a protracted transition from Mubarak’s rule to a new system of democratic government.

“It aims to sideline Morsi’s enemies in the judiciary and ultimately to impose and head off any legal challenges to the constitution,” said Elijah Zarwan, a fellow with The European Council on Foreign Relations.

“We are in a situation now where both sides are escalating and its getting harder and harder to see how either side can gracefully climb down,” Zarwan said.

Diplomacy: Shifting sands

November 24, 2012

Diplomacy: Shifting sands – JPost – Features – Week in review.

11/22/2012 23:21
While no clear winner emerged from Operation Pillar of Defense, the ground shifted in a number of areas.

Clinton and Egypt's President Morsi Photo: REUTERS

The US rang the bell, Egypt separated the fighters and the boxers staggered to their respective corners Wednesday night following the latest round of fighting – each, with a degree of justification, claiming to have won the round.

Hamas can claim victory because it is still standing and because both the bell-ringer and the referee are taking it seriously; Israel can say it won because it bloodied Hamas’s nose and – at least temporarily – probably took away its appetite to hurry up and fight another round.

There was no knockout in this round, something that will frustrate those who believe it somehow possible to knock Hamas out with one blow. But the way Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu fought shows that he believes this is a bout with many rounds, and it is not tactically wise to leave oneself exposed in one round because an unforeseen punch landed now may have a cumulative effect later, when other fights – such as with Iran – need to be fought.

Netanyahu is not Ehud Olmert, who – because of his temperament – has been described as the quintessential Israeli prime minister. In 2006, following the kidnapping of Gilad Schalit near the Gaza border and then the kidnappings of Eldad Regev and Ehud Goldwasser in the North, he launched the war in Lebanon. Olmert led with his gut, with his heart.

Netanyahu, despite his image abroad as a trigger-happy hawk, is much more cautious in the use of force. When he spoke to the Knesset in October and announced new elections, he reminded the country that in the seven-and-a-half years he has served as prime minister, there has not been one war.

There were, however, two major military campaigns under Olmert’s three-year watch. But neither the Second Lebanon War nor Operation Cast Lead solved the problem. Hezbollah was left still standing in the North, though much deterred, as was Hamas in the South.

Israel’s international standing in both those campaigns, however, took a massive blow. Netanyahu seemed determined this time to ensure that wouldn’t happen.

Speaking Wednesday night to a nation relieved at a return to routine but frustrated that the enemy was not vanquished, Netanyahu said, “Since its establishment, the State of Israel has faced complex challenges in the Middle East, and in recent years we have all seen how that complexity has increased a great deal. Under these conditions we need to steer the ship of state responsibly with wisdom and must take into account numerous considerations, both military and diplomatic ones. That is how a responsible government acts, and that is how we acted this time as well. We employed military might along with diplomatic judgment.”

Those diplomatic considerations included not wanting to alienate either the US or Europe with a wider military operation when both the US and Europe will be needed to deal with Iran’s nuclear ambitions. Those diplomatic considerations also include not eroding US or European support at a time when they will both also be needed to fend off Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas’s bid – perhaps next week – to get the status of a non-member observer state at the UN.

Like all major blow-ups, things have a tendency to look different the morning after. Indeed, the ground today looks a bit different than it did before Israel killed Ahmed Jabari and launched Operation Pillar of Defense.

One thing to notice is that despite all the tumult that has shaken the region as a result of the Arab revolutions, when Israel and the Palestinians go to blows, all else is forgotten.

More than 800 Arabs were killed during the eight days of fighting from November 14 to November 21, but the world took little notice. The reason: they were killed in Syria, not in Gaza. What this fact does is disabuse us of the notion that because of all the problems around us, the world will not obsess about the Israeli- Palestinian conflict. It will. This issue, despite Syria imploding and huge question marks over the future of various countries in the region, is still seen widely as the lynchpin to Middle East stability.

What that means is that assumptions that US President Barack Obama might be too preoccupied with dousing fires in Syria and dealing with the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt to reassert himself fully into the Middle East “peace” process are probably wrong.

There are already calls for him to use Secretary of State Hillary Clinton’s success in brokering the ceasefire to take a more active role once again in pushing for a Middle East peace process, and there are once against calls for a “comprehensive peace agreement.”

The unwavering support, as Netanyahu himself called it, that Obama gave Israel during the crisis is also worthy of taking note, especially in light of the concern voiced by many that a second-term Obama, freed of having to worry about Jewish voters and donors, can “take off the gloves” in dealing Israel.

Obama did nothing of the kind.

On the contrary, he unequivocally stood behind Israel and its right to defend itself. This could be that moment when the reset button is pushed in the stormy relationship between the president and the prime minister.

Netanyahu asked for – and received – rock-solid backing from the US. The president asked for – and received – the prime minister’s agreement to a cease-fire. That is a good place to start in rebuilding confidence and trust.

The US also was interested, according to diplomatic sources, in Turkey playing a role in solving the crisis. Interestingly enough, Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi was less keen on the idea, and the Turks were effectively sidelined.

Morsi came out clearly as one of the conflagration’s big winners.

Just prior to a scheduled trip to the US in December during which he will ask for billions of dollars from Washington and the International Monetary Fund, he proved his worth as a moderating and stabilizing influence. By reining in Hamas, he burnished the credentials he wants to present to the West as a pragmatic and moderate leader.

And this came, to a certain degree, at Turkey’s expense. Turkey wanted to be a central player in the crisis, and – even though it is not an Arab country – its foreign minister, Ahmet Davutoglu took part in the Arab League meeting in Cairo dealing with the situation.

He also went to Gaza on Tuesday.

But Ankara’s ability to impact on events was hindered enormously by its sour relations with Israel.

It takes two to tango, one diplomatic course said this week, adding that Turkey now probably realizes that if you want to be a mediator in the Middle East, with all the status that brings, you can’t do so if you don’t have a workable relationship with Israel. Egypt, even with Morsi as president, has that type of relationship.

Turkey does not.

Another big loser was Abbas, whose inability to impact on the events just underscored his irrelevance.

And as he loses relevance, Hamas gains it. One of Hamas’s successes in the conflict was to make itself seen in the Arab world – and increasingly beyond the Arab world – as a legitimate player that must be dealt with.

Abbas, interestingly enough, did not even try to go to Gaza during the crisis – he has absolutely no leverage there – nor was he in Cairo where the ease-fire agreement was being brokered.

This irrelevance may, on the one hand, push him to try to go to the UN next week and further his statehood bid, hoping that by this move he will regain some lost luster.

However, the US – and increasingly and publicly Europe as well – is urging him not to, saying that such a move will not have any real significance, will only infuriate Israel, make a restarting of negotiations even more difficult to bring about and destabilize matters further at a very sensitive time.

No less a personage than British Foreign Secretary William Hague said as much Tuesday during a statement to the House of Commons.

“While there is any chance of achieving a return to talks in the coming months, we continue to advise President Abbas against attempts to win Palestinian observer state status at the United Nations through a vote in the UN General Assembly. We judge that this would make it harder to secure a return to negotiations, and could have very serious consequences for the Palestinian authority,” he said.

Hague argued that while Britain supported Palestinian aspirations and “understand the pressures” he is under, “we urge him to lead the Palestinians into negotiations and not to risk paralyzing the process.”

Although the EU has not yet formally decided how to vote, a collective EU abstention on this matter in the UN would be a further blow to the PA’s prestige and may be something Abbas will want to avoid.

As for Operation Pillar of Defense’s impact on the Israeli political scene, one thing that it has made clear is that diplomatic/security issues – rather than social and economic ones – will be the deciding factor in these elections, as they have been in every previous one.

Labor leader Shelly Yacimovich’s efforts to turn these elections into a discussion of social equality and the high cost of living have just been made much more difficult by the fighting. In addition, her lack of security credentials, and the lack of a marquee general on her list, will hurt. The same is true of Yair Lapid and his Yesh Atid party.

Kadima head Shaul Mofaz attacked Netanyahu from the right on Wednesday night, saying that he hadn’t completed the job in Gaza. But it is extremely difficult to imagine that Likud voters, perhaps unhappy that Netanyahu did not “finish off Hamas,” will now vote for Kadima instead.

It is equally difficult to imagine that Tzipi Livni, if she decides to form a party of her own, will siphon off these Likud voters either. Operation Cast Lead, conducted under Olmert and her watch, did not exactly bring about the demise of Hamas, nor did the Second Lebanon War deliver a knockout blow to Hezbollah.

The truth of the matter is that by cooping Avigdor Liberman’s party into Likud, Netanyahu has presented a problem for secular right-wing voters: they have nowhere else to go. Naftali Bennett and the rejuvenated Habayit Hayehudi will set itself up as an alternative, but there is a limit to how many secular voters will vote for a religious party.

Netanyahu, therefore, probably did not do himself a huge amount of political damage by agreeing to a cease-fire, even though polls show that a majority of Israelis were opposed to it. Those opposed are unlikely, as a result, to vote for Livni, Lapid, Mofaz, Bennett or Yacimovich.

One last thing worth noticing was the harmony apparent at the press statement Wednesday night when Netanyahu, Barak and Liberman all addressed the nation.

Unlike the situation during the Second Lebanon War and Operation Cast Lead, this operation was carried out with relative harmony at the top. There might have been disagreements about whether to accept the terms of the cease-fire within the senior forum of nine ministers, but the types of disagreements between Olmert and Livni and Olmert and Barak that characterized the country’s two previous large military campaigns did not repeat themselves.

And this might have political significance.

Barak’s political future is obviously in question, as his Independence Party may not pass the voter threshold needed to get into the next Knesset. Yet, if tabbed by Netanyahu, he could still serve another term as defense minister even if he is not a Knesset member.

The way in which Liberman embraced Barak Wednesday night, and Barak’s warm words for Liberman’s diplomatic work, may indicate that another Barak term as defense minister is something Liberman does not oppose.

And despite Liberman and Barak’s significant political differences, there is a political logic to this. If, as most believe, Liberman hopes to eventually lead the Likud, it is in his interest to keep potential challengers at bay. One such challenger, perhaps the most significant, is Moshe Ya’alon. If Barak remains defense minister, then Ya’alon is kept away from that position – a post which is traditionally a great place from which to launch a bid to become prime minister.

Indeed, now that the rockets and bombs from and into Gaza have ceased, and the smoke of the battle has cleared, it is possible to see how – in various areas – the ground has shifted.

For Israel, Gaza Conflict Is Test for an Iran Confrontation – NYTimes.com

November 24, 2012

For Israel, Gaza Conflict Is Test for an Iran Confrontation – NYTimes.com.

Menahem Kahana/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

An Israeli missile is launched from a battery. Officials said their antimissile system shot down 88 percent of all assigned targets.

WASHINGTON — The conflict that ended, for now, in a cease-fire between Hamas and Israel seemed like the latest episode in a periodic showdown. But there was a second, strategic agenda unfolding, according to American and Israeli officials: The exchange was something of a practice run for any future armed confrontation with Iran, featuring improved rockets that can reach Jerusalem and new antimissile systems to counter them.

It is Iran, of course, that most preoccupies Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and President Obama. While disagreeing on tactics, both have made it clear that time is short, probably measured in months, to resolve the standoff over Iran’s nuclear program.

And one key to their war-gaming has been cutting off Iran’s ability to slip next-generation missiles into the Gaza Strip or Lebanon, where they could be launched by Iran’s surrogates, Hamas, Hezbollah and Islamic Jihad, during any crisis over sanctions or an Israeli strike on Iran’s nuclear facilities.

Michael B. Oren, the Israeli ambassador to the United States and a military historian, likened the insertion of Iranian missiles into Gaza to the Cuban missile crisis.

“In the Cuban missile crisis, the U.S. was not confronting Cuba, but rather the Soviet Union,” Mr. Oren said Wednesday, as the cease-fire was declared. “In Operation Pillar of Defense,” the name the Israel Defense Force gave the Gaza operation, “Israel was not confronting Gaza, but Iran.”

It is an imprecise analogy. What the Soviet Union was slipping into Cuba 50 years ago was a nuclear arsenal. In Gaza, the rockets and parts that came from Iran were conventional, and, as the Israelis learned, still have significant accuracy problems. But from one point of view, Israel was using the Gaza battle to learn the capabilities of Hamas and Islamic Jihad — the group that has the closest ties to Iran — as well as to disrupt those links.

Indeed, the first strike in the eight-day conflict between Hamas and Israel arguably took place nearly a month before the fighting began — in Khartoum, the capital of Sudan, as another mysterious explosion in the shadow war with Iran.

A factory said to be producing light arms blew up in spectacular fashion on Oct. 22, and within two days the Sudanese charged that it had been hit by four Israeli warplanes that easily penetrated the country’s airspace. Israelis will not talk about it. But Israeli and American officials maintain that Sudan has long been a prime transit point for smuggling Iranian Fajr rockets, the kind that Hamas launched against Tel Aviv and Jerusalem over recent days.

The missile defense campaign that ensued over Israeli territory is being described as the most intense yet in real combat anywhere — and as having the potential to change warfare in the same way that novel applications of air power in the Spanish Civil War shaped combat in the skies ever since.

Of course, a conflict with Iran, if a last-ditch effort to restart negotiations fails, would look different than what has just occurred. Just weeks before the outbreak in Gaza, the United States and European and Persian Gulf Arab allies were practicing at sea, working on clearing mines that might be dropped in shipping lanes in the Strait of Hormuz.

But in the Israeli and American contingency planning, Israel would face three tiers of threat in a conflict with Iran: the short-range missiles that have been lobbed in this campaign, medium-range rockets fielded by Hezbollah in Lebanon and long-range missiles from Iran.

The last of those three could include the Shahab-3, the missile Israeli and American intelligence believe could someday be fitted with a nuclear weapon if Iran ever succeeded in developing one and — the harder task — shrinking it to fit a warhead.

A United States Army air defense officer said that the American and Israeli militaries were “absolutely learning a lot” from this campaign that may contribute to a more effective “integration of all those tiered systems into a layered approach.”

The goal, and the challenge, is to link short-, medium- and long-range missile defense radar systems and interceptors against the different types of threats that may emerge in the next conflict.

Even so, a historic battle of missile versus missile defense has played out in the skies over Israel, with Israeli officials saying their Iron Dome system shot down 350 incoming rockets — 88 percent of all targets assigned to the missile defense interceptors. Israeli officials declined to specify the number of interceptors on hand to reload their missile-defense batteries.

Before the conflict began, Hamas was estimated to have amassed an arsenal of 10,000 to 12,000 rockets. Israeli officials say their pre-emptive strikes on Hamas rocket depots severely reduced the arsenal of missiles, both those provided by Iran and some built in Gaza on a Syrian design.

But Israeli military officials emphasize that most of the approximately 1,500 rockets fired by Hamas in this conflict were on trajectories toward unpopulated areas. The radar tracking systems of Iron Dome are intended to quickly discriminate between those that are hurtling toward a populated area and strays not worth expending a costly interceptor to knock down.

“This discrimination is a very important part of all missile defense systems,” said the United States Army expert, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to describe current military assessments. “You want to ensure that you’re going to engage a target missile that is heading toward a defended footprint, like a populated area. This clearly has been a validation of the Iron Dome system’s capability.”

The officer and other experts said that Iran also was certain to be studying the apparent inability of the rockets it supplied to Hamas to effectively strike targets in Israel, and could be expected to re-examine the design of that weapon for improvements.

Israel currently fields five Iron Dome missile defense batteries, each costing about $50 million, and wants to more than double the number of batteries. In the past two fiscal years, the United States has given about $275 million in financial assistance to the Iron Dome program. Replacement interceptors cost tens of thousands of dollars each.

Just three weeks ago, Gen. Martin E. Dempsey, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, visited an Iron Dome site as a guest of his Israeli counterpart during the largest American-Israeli joint military exercise ever. For the three-week exercise, called Austere Challenge, American military personnel operated Patriot land-based missile defense batteries on temporary deployment to Israel as well as Aegis missile defense ships, which carry tracking radars and interceptors.

Despite its performance during the current crisis, though, Iron Dome has its limits.

It is specifically designed to counter only short-range rockets, those capable of reaching targets at a distance of no more than 50 miles. Israel is developing a medium-range missile defense system, called David’s Sling, which was tested in computer simulations during the recent American-Israeli exercise, and has fielded a long-range system called Arrow. “Nobody has really had to manage this kind of a battle before,” said Jeffrey White, a defense fellow for the Washington Institute for Near East Policy. “There are lots of rockets coming in all over half the country, and there are all different kinds of rockets being fired.”

Israel’s Gaza Offensive Was A Tune-up for Iran

November 24, 2012

Israel’s Gaza Offensive Was A Tune-up for Iran – Business Insider.

israel

Israel’s eight-day Gaza offensive was a dry run for any future armed confrontation with Iran, U.S. and Israeli officials told The New York Times.

“In Operation Pillar of Defense, Israel was not confronting Gaza, but Iran,” Israeli ambassador to the U.S. States and military historian Michael B. Oren told the Times.

The Israel Defense Forces (IDF) employed F-16 fighter jets to drop bunker-busting bombs on underground tunnels as well as Apache helicopters and drones to hit more than 1,500 targets in Gaza.

The first strike of the conflict may have been Oct. 22 when fighter jets bombed an Iranian arms factory in Sudan. Israel has been mum about the strike, but everyone from Sudan to the U.N. believes four Israeli stealth jets targeted the factory because it was used to supply arms — including Fajr rockets like those fired at Tel Aviv and Jerusalem — to Hamas in Gaza.

Learning and reducing the capabilities of Iran’s surrogates — Hamas and (especially) Islamic Jihad in Gaza and Hezbollah in Lebanon — is important to Israel because those groups would contribute to the 200,000 rockets and missiles that could strike Israel during any military confrontation with Iran.

And as Moran Stern wrote in The Atlantic, the operation also went toward preparing Israel’s military and populace for consequences that would follow a strike on Iran’s nuclear facilities.

Israel’s Iron Dome, partially funded by the U.S., intercepted 84 percent of the 1,506 rockets fired from Gaza that were targeted, but it wouldn’t deter Hezbollah’s medium-range rockets or Iran’s long-range missiles because it is designed to counter only short-range rockets launched from 50 miles of less.

“The general lesson is that missile defense is effective, it can work,” said Uzi Rubin, the former head of Israel’s missile defense program, told The Washington Post. “But Iron Dome has nothing to do with threats from Iran.”

To that end Israel is developing a medium-range missile defense system, called David’s Sling, which was tested in computer simulations during the recent American-Israeli exercise (i.e. Austere Challenge), and has fielded a long-range system called Arrow.

“Nobody has really had to manage this kind of a battle before,” Jeffrey White, a defense fellow for the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, told the Times. “There [would be] lots of rockets coming in all over half the country, and there are all different kinds of rockets being fired.”

Operation Pillar of Cloud likely decimated Hamas’ arsenal of 10,000 to 12,000 rockets, but the offensive didn’t come close to the firepower and strategy needed to attack Iran.

What it did was bring the U.S. deeper into the mix: Secretary of State Hillary Clinton helped prevent a Israeli ground invasion, three U.S. warships were sent to Israel and President Barack Obama told Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu the U.S. would intensify efforts to help Israel address the smuggling of weapons and explosives into Gaza.

Israel’s eight-day Gaza offensive was a dry run for any future armed confrontation with Iran, U.S. and Israeli officials told The New York Times.“In Operation Pillar of Defense, Israel was not confronting Gaza, but Iran,” Israeli ambassador to the U.S. States and military historian Michael B. Oren told the Times.The Israel Defense Forces (IDF) employed F-16 fighter jets to drop bunker-busting bombs on underground tunnels as well as Apache helicopters and drones to hit more than 1,500targets in Gaza.The first strike of the conflict may have been Oct. 22 when fighter jets bombed an Iranian arms factory in Sudan. Israel has been mum about the strike, but everyone from Sudan to the U.N. believes four Israeli stealth jets targeted the factory because it was used to supply arms — including Fajr rockets like those fired at Tel Aviv and Jerusalem — to Hamas in Gaza.

Learning and reducing the capabilities of Iran’s surrogates — Hamas and (especially) Islamic Jihad in Gaza and Hezbollah in Lebanon — is important to Israel because those groups would contribute to the 200,000 rockets and missiles that could strike Israel during any military confrontation with Iran.

And as Moran Stern wrote in The Atlantic, the operation also went toward preparing Israel’s military and populace for consequences that would follow a strike on Iran’s nuclear facilities.

Israel’s Iron Dome, partially funded by the U.S., intercepted 84 percent of the 1,506 rockets fired from Gaza that were targeted, but it wouldn’t deter Hezbollah’s medium-range rockets or Iran’s long-range missiles because it is designed to counter only short-range rockets launched from 50 miles of less.

“The general lesson is that missile defense is effective, it can work,” said Uzi Rubin, the former head of Israel’s missile defense program, told The Washington Post. “But Iron Dome has nothing to do with threats from Iran.”

To that end Israel is developing a medium-range missile defense system, called David’s Sling, which was tested in computer simulations during the recent American-Israeli exercise (i.e. Austere Challenge), and has fielded a long-range system called Arrow.

“Nobody has really had to manage this kind of a battle before,” Jeffrey White, a defense fellow for the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, told the Times. “There [would be] lots of rockets coming in all over half the country, and there are all different kinds of rockets being fired.”

Operation Pillar of Cloud likely decimated Hamas’ arsenal of 10,000 to 12,000 rockets, but the offensive didn’t come close to the firepower and strategy needed to attack Iran.

What it did was bring the U.S. deeper into the mix: Secretary of State Hillary Clinton helped prevent a Israeli ground invasion, three U.S. warships were sent to Israel and President Barack Obama told Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu the U.S. would intensify efforts to help Israel address the smuggling of weapons and explosives into Gaza.

Read more: http://www.businessinsider.com/israel-gaza-iran-strike-2012-11#ixzz2D8yqQvr8

Israel’s eight-day Gaza offensive was a dry run for any future armed confrontation with Iran, U.S. and Israeli officials told The New York Times.“In Operation Pillar of Defense, Israel was not confronting Gaza, but Iran,” Israeli ambassador to the U.S. States and military historian Michael B. Oren told the Times.The Israel Defense Forces (IDF) employed F-16 fighter jets to drop bunker-busting bombs on underground tunnels as well as Apache helicopters and drones to hit more than 1,500targets in Gaza.The first strike of the conflict may have been Oct. 22 when fighter jets bombed an Iranian arms factory in Sudan. Israel has been mum about the strike, but everyone from Sudan to the U.N. believes four Israeli stealth jets targeted the factory because it was used to supply arms — including Fajr rockets like those fired at Tel Aviv and Jerusalem — to Hamas in Gaza.

Learning and reducing the capabilities of Iran’s surrogates — Hamas and (especially) Islamic Jihad in Gaza and Hezbollah in Lebanon — is important to Israel because those groups would contribute to the 200,000 rockets and missiles that could strike Israel during any military confrontation with Iran.

And as Moran Stern wrote in The Atlantic, the operation also went toward preparing Israel’s military and populace for consequences that would follow a strike on Iran’s nuclear facilities.

Israel’s Iron Dome, partially funded by the U.S., intercepted 84 percent of the 1,506 rockets fired from Gaza that were targeted, but it wouldn’t deter Hezbollah’s medium-range rockets or Iran’s long-range missiles because it is designed to counter only short-range rockets launched from 50 miles of less.

“The general lesson is that missile defense is effective, it can work,” said Uzi Rubin, the former head of Israel’s missile defense program, told The Washington Post. “But Iron Dome has nothing to do with threats from Iran.”

To that end Israel is developing a medium-range missile defense system, called David’s Sling, which was tested in computer simulations during the recent American-Israeli exercise (i.e. Austere Challenge), and has fielded a long-range system called Arrow.

“Nobody has really had to manage this kind of a battle before,” Jeffrey White, a defense fellow for the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, told the Times. “There [would be] lots of rockets coming in all over half the country, and there are all different kinds of rockets being fired.”

Operation Pillar of Cloud likely decimated Hamas’ arsenal of 10,000 to 12,000 rockets, but the offensive didn’t come close to the firepower and strategy needed to attack Iran.

What it did was bring the U.S. deeper into the mix: Secretary of State Hillary Clinton helped prevent a Israeli ground invasion, three U.S. warships were sent to Israel and President Barack Obama told Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu the U.S. would intensify efforts to help Israel address the smuggling of weapons and explosives into Gaza.

Read more: http://www.businessinsider.com/israel-gaza-iran-strike-2012-11#ixzz2D8yqQvr8

Israel’s eight-day Gaza offensive was a dry run for any future armed confrontation with Iran, U.S. and Israeli officials told The New York Times.“In Operation Pillar of Defense, Israel was not confronting Gaza, but Iran,” Israeli ambassador to the U.S. States and military historian Michael B. Oren told the Times.The Israel Defense Forces (IDF) employed F-16 fighter jets to drop bunker-busting bombs on underground tunnels as well as Apache helicopters and drones to hit more than 1,500targets in Gaza.The first strike of the conflict may have been Oct. 22 when fighter jets bombed an Iranian arms factory in Sudan. Israel has been mum about the strike, but everyone from Sudan to the U.N. believes four Israeli stealth jets targeted the factory because it was used to supply arms — including Fajr rockets like those fired at Tel Aviv and Jerusalem — to Hamas in Gaza.

Learning and reducing the capabilities of Iran’s surrogates — Hamas and (especially) Islamic Jihad in Gaza and Hezbollah in Lebanon — is important to Israel because those groups would contribute to the 200,000 rockets and missiles that could strike Israel during any military confrontation with Iran.

And as Moran Stern wrote in The Atlantic, the operation also went toward preparing Israel’s military and populace for consequences that would follow a strike on Iran’s nuclear facilities.

Israel’s Iron Dome, partially funded by the U.S., intercepted 84 percent of the 1,506 rockets fired from Gaza that were targeted, but it wouldn’t deter Hezbollah’s medium-range rockets or Iran’s long-range missiles because it is designed to counter only short-range rockets launched from 50 miles of less.

“The general lesson is that missile defense is effective, it can work,” said Uzi Rubin, the former head of Israel’s missile defense program, told The Washington Post. “But Iron Dome has nothing to do with threats from Iran.”

To that end Israel is developing a medium-range missile defense system, called David’s Sling, which was tested in computer simulations during the recent American-Israeli exercise (i.e. Austere Challenge), and has fielded a long-range system called Arrow.

“Nobody has really had to manage this kind of a battle before,” Jeffrey White, a defense fellow for the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, told the Times. “There [would be] lots of rockets coming in all over half the country, and there are all different kinds of rockets being fired.”

Operation Pillar of Cloud likely decimated Hamas’ arsenal of 10,000 to 12,000 rockets, but the offensive didn’t come close to the firepower and strategy needed to attack Iran.

What it did was bring the U.S. deeper into the mix: Secretary of State Hillary Clinton helped prevent a Israeli ground invasion, three U.S. warships were sent to Israel and President Barack Obama told Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu the U.S. would intensify efforts to help Israel address the smuggling of weapons and explosives into Gaza.

Read more: http://www.businessinsider.com/israel-gaza-iran-strike-2012-11#ixzz2D8yqQvr8

Obama overture possible to ease relations with Iran over nuclear program, analysts say – latimes.com

November 24, 2012

Obama overture possible to ease relations with Iran over nuclear program, analysts say – latimes.com.

Iran nuclear talks outlook

At a meeting of the Clinton Global Initiative in New York two months ago, President Obama vowed to do whatever it takes to prevent Iran from developing a nuclear weapon. Some analysts believe a window of opportunity may open soon to make progress in stalled negotiations with Tehran. (Jin Lee / Bloomberg)

By Carol J. Williams

A multi-front campaign to prevent Iran from developing a nuclear weapon has been stalled for months by the distractions of a U.S. presidential campaign, Tehran’s stop-and-go negotiating tactics and its role in deadly clashes in Syria and Gaza.  Now that President Obama has a fresh four-year mandate and Iran’s influence with Middle East neighbors seems to be fading, Tehran is expected back at the negotiating table soon and, some observers believe, in a more constructive mood to resolve the nuclear standoff.

 

The Obama administration now has wider latitude for tackling one of its most complicated relationships. No longer shackled by the hawkish politicking of Republican presidential challenger Mitt Romney, Obama could make an overture to Tehran to get negotiations back on track at a time when Iranian leaders need a face-saving escape from withering sanctions.

 

Multinational talks with Iran on its nuclear ambitions have been idle since June, as Tehran has refused to accede to the demands of foreign diplomats that it cease enriching uranium even for peaceful purposes like power generation and production of medical isotopes. The European Union’s foreign policy chief, Catherine Ashton, met Wednesday with diplomats from the six powers involved in the talks–the United States, Britain, France, Russia, China and Germany–and was exchanging missives with Tehran about a possible resumption of talks in December, EUobserver.com reported Friday.

 

“If Obama wants to create a legacy in foreign policy, he has an opportunity to do that if he can resolve the Iran dilemma,” said Iranian exile Najmedin Meshkati, a USC engineering professor and former advisor to the U.S. State Department office responsible for technology issues. Even as Iran may be pushed by sanctions that have halved oil exports and sent the rial currency into a freefall, the all-stick and no-carrot approach to negotiations isn’t likely to succeed, Meshkati predicted.

 

The ruling elite in Iran is untouched by the food shortages and soaring prices making life for average Iranians miserable, Meshkati said of his homeland, where he has maintained ties with family and academic colleagues during 30 years in exile.

 

“Iran’s pursuit of nuclear technology and its advancement of enrichment are not based on calculated economic study,” he said. “It’s based on very complicated security calculations and other factors, like national pride.”

 

Tehran is unlikely to engage in direct talks with U.S. diplomats without some inducement, he said. For example, he said, Washington could suspend the sanction preventing Iran from buying spare parts and maintenance services from U.S. suppliers for its aging fleet of Boeing aircraft. That would make civilian air travel safer, boost U.S.-made component sales and keep Iran as a U.S. aviation customer rather than driving it to convert to an Airbus fleet.

 

“Iran has said some element of enrichment is nonnegotiable, that it’s permitted under the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty for civilian uses,” Meshkati said. “They feel if they let that chip go that they will lose face. What do they have to show the Iranian people, who are struggling, if they come to the table to negotiate away something that is their right?”

 

It’s been three months since the International Atomic Energy Agency gave up on its separate effort to ensure that Iran’s nuclear program remains peaceful. IAEA Deputy Director General Herman Nackaerts expressed frustration after the last meeting in August failed to secure access for United Nations inspectors to the Parchin facility. Satellite surveillance of the base suggests Iran has been trying to clean up traces of a nuclear bomb test there nearly a decade ago. The Vienna-based agency reported this week, though, that Nackaerts would be meeting Iran’s chief nuclear negotiator on Dec. 13.

 

The moves to resurrect negotiations may have been spurred by recent reports that Tehran has doubled the number of centrifuges for uranium enrichment, though not all are operational. It has also stepped up processing to accumulate 110 kilograms of the nuclear fuel enriched to 20%, putting Iran about halfway to the 200-250 kilograms that nuclear experts say would be needed to make a single bomb.

 

IAEA Director General Yukiya Amano said in a report last week that the harsh economic sanctions imposed by the United States and the European Union appeared to be having no effect on Iran’s pace of fuel production.

 

Gaukhar Mukhatzhanova, an expert on Iran’s nuclear program at the Center for Nonproliferation Studies at the Monterey Institute of International Studies, sees a promising convergence of influences that could lead to more productive talks on the future course of nuclear development in Iran.

 

“The timing might be right now,” said Mukhatzhanova, pointing to what she sees as Iran’s conscious decision to keep enrichment stable and well below the volumes needed for weapons production. “There are signs within Iran that negotiations with the United States are not anathema. The head of the judiciary said recently that Iran should negotiate for its own benefit.”

 

She referred to Ayatollah Sadegh Larijani, who said this month that direct talks with the United States shouldn’t be ruled out if 30-plus years of accumulated grievances are to be resolved.

Report: Egypt army officers back anti-Morsi protests

November 24, 2012

Report: Egypt army officers back anti-Morsi protests – Israel News, Ynetnews.

(Moslem Bros first overreach? – JW )

During protests against Egyptian president’s decision to grant himself sweeping powers, group of ‘army officers’ distributes leaflets saying, ‘Legitimacy is on your side. We’ll protect homeland with our lives’

Roi Kais

Published: 11.24.12, 11:18 / Israel News

The Egyptian army is beginning to intervene in favor of the public protest against President Mohammed Morsi decision to grant himself far-reaching powers, the London-based Arabic-language newspaper Al-Quds Al-Arabi reported Saturday.

According to the report, the “Officers of the Egyptian Army” organization distributed leaflets during Friday’s demonstrations saying the protests were “legitimate.” However, the army has yet to respond officially to Morsi’s decree, which exempts all his decisions from legal challenge until a new parliament is elected.AP contributed to the report

“We swear to Allah that we are not traitors and do not cooperate with anyone’s agendas,” the “officers” said in the leaflets. “We are loyal sons of the homeland.”

“Egypt is in your hands now,” the leaflets read. “We are not seeking positions or a revolt against legitimacy. We swore to protect the homeland with our lives. Now the legitimacy is on your side.”

Supporters and opponents of President Morsi clashed Friday in the worst violence since he took office, while he defended a decision to give himself near-absolute power to root out what he called “weevils eating away at the nation of Egypt.”
(צילום: AFP)

Anti-Morsi protesters riot in Cairo (Photo: AFP)

The edicts by Morsi, which were issued Thursday, have turned months of growing polarization into an open battle between his Muslim Brotherhood and liberals who fear a new dictatorship. Some in the opposition, which has been divided and weakened, were now speaking of a sustained street campaign against the man who nearly five months ago became Egypt’s first freely elected president.

The unrest also underscored the struggle over the direction of Egypt’s turbulent passage nearly two years after a popular uprising toppled Hosni Mubarak’s authoritarian regime. Liberals and secular Egyptians accuse the Brotherhood of monopolizing power, dominating the writing of a new constitution and failing to tackle the country’s chronic economic and security problems.

“I don’t like, want or need to resort to exceptional measures, but I will if I see that my people, nation and the revolution of Egypt are in danger,” Morsi told thousands of his chanting supporters outside the presidential palace in Cairo.

But even before he spoke, thousands from each camp demonstrated in major cities, and violence broke out in several places, leaving at least 100 wounded, according to security officials.
אלפי מפגינים נגד מורסי בקהיר (צילום: AFP)

‘Leave, leave.’ Cairo protest against Morsi (Photo: AFP)

Security forces pumped volleys of tear gas at thousands of pro-democracy protesters clashing with riot police on streets several blocks from Cairo’s Tahrir Square, birthplace of the Arab Spring, and in front of the nearby parliament building. Young protesters set fire to tree branches to counter the gas, and a residential building and a police vehicle also were burned.

Tens of thousands of activists massed in Tahrir itself, denouncing Morsi. In a throwback to last year’s 18-day anti-Mubarak uprising, they chanted the iconic slogan first heard in Tunisia in late 2010: “The people want to overthrow the regime.” They also yelled “erhal, erhal,” – Arabic for “leave, leave.”

Groups of protesters were still seen throughout Cairo on Saturday morning.

Morsi and the Brotherhood contend that supporters of the old regime are holding up progress toward democracy. They have focused on the judiciary, which many Egyptians see as too much under the sway of Mubarak-era judges and prosecutors and which has shaken up the political process several times with its rulings, including by dissolving the lower house of parliament, which the Brotherhood led.

His edicts effectively shut down the judiciary’s ability to do so again. At the same time, the courts were the only civilian branch of government with a degree of independence: Morsi already holds not only executive power but also legislative authority, since there is no parliament.

In his decrees, Morsi ruled that any decisions and laws he has declared or will declare are immune to appeal in the courts and cannot be overturned or halted. He also barred the judiciary from dissolving the upper house of parliament or the assembly writing the new constitution, both of which are dominated by the Brotherhood and other Islamists.

The edicts would be in effect until a new constitution is approved and parliamentary elections are held, which are not expected until the spring.

Morsi also declared his power to take any steps necessary to prevent “threats to the revolution,” public safety or the workings of state institutions. Rights activists warned that the vague – and unexplained – wording could give him even greater authority than Mubarak had under emergency laws throughout his rule.

Hamas: Truce agreement says nothing about stopping the flow of weapons into Gaza

November 24, 2012

Hamas: Truce agreement says nothing about stopping the flow of weapons into Gaza | The Times of Israel.

Izzat al-Rishq, a member of the terror group’s political bureau, says Israel is trying to protect its image after defeat

November 24, 2012, 9:59 am 0
Hamas official Izzat al-Rishq (photo credit: PressTV, YouTube screen capture)

Hamas official Izzat al-Rishq (photo credit: PressTV, YouTube screen capture)

The ceasefire agreement between Israel and Hamas which ended Operation Pillar of Defense does not include Egyptian guarantees to prevent the smuggling of weapons to Gaza, said a senior Hamas official on Saturday.

Izzat al-Rishq, a member of the terrorist organization’s political bureau, wrote on his Facebook page that Israel was attempting to protect its image following defeat.

“It is not true what some people are saying that the ceasefire agreement included the approval of Egypt to prevent the smuggling of weapons to Gaza in conjunction with US special units … These leaks are an Israeli attempt to mitigate the impact of defeat,” he posted.

This week, the military wing of the Islamic Jihad terror organization, which is closely allied with Iran, said that the group would continue to rearm in Gaza, reported Israel Radio.

On its face, the published terms of the brief agreement do not appear to include a crackdown on weapons smuggling. However, a more comprehensive set of terms is expected to be hammered out in the coming days, with London-based Al-Quds Al-Arabi reporting that talks between representatives of Israel, Hamas and Islamic Jihad began Friday with the help of Egyptian intelligence officials.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu addressed the flow of weapons into the Strip on Wednesday night, following the announcement of the ceasefire. According to the prime minister, “Israel obviously cannot sit idly while our enemy reinforces itself with weapons of terror.” He added that in a phone conversation that night with the US president, “we decided, President Obama and myself, that the United States and Israel would work together to fight the smuggling of weapons to the terror organizations — weapons, virtually all of which come from Iran.”

After the eight-day conflict, during which the IDF conducted some 1,500 strikes on terrorist cells and infrastructure in Gaza and Hamas pounded Israel with roughly the same number of rockets and missiles, both sides are claiming victory.

IDF chief of staff Lt.-Gen. Benny Gantz said Friday that all the objectives laid out ahead of Operation Pillar of Defense were met successfully. “In its entirety, the operation was coordinated with the upper echelon. We knew what we wanted to achieve and how we wanted to act,” said Gantz. “All the operation’s objectives were successfully met.”

“As the days pass and the dust settles, the other side will realize the price it paid for its actions,” the IDF chief said, adding that people should not get worked up over “the various demonstrations” being held by Hamas and its supporters hailing victory. “The results will speak for themselves,” said Gantz.

Raphael Ahren contributed to this report.