Archive for November 23, 2012

The Complicated Politics of the Israel-Hamas Cease-Fire

November 23, 2012

The Complicated Politics of the Israel-Hamas Cease-Fire « Commentary Magazine.

At the beginning of this year, as speculation over whether Israel was preparing to strike Iran’s nuclear program reached something of a crescendo, one of Israel’s most respected journalists sat down with Defense Minister Ehud Barak. The journalist, Ronen Bergman, asked Barak about the former political and military figures who had begun to publicly argue against a strike. Barak responded with a reminder about the burden of responsibility he carries along with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

“It’s good to have diversity in thinking and for people to voice their opinions,” Barak said. “But at the end of the day, when the military command looks up, it sees us — the minister of defense and the prime minister. When we look up, we see nothing but the sky above us.” Barak wasn’t trying to be dramatic; rather, he was making make a point about the historical weight that rests on nearly every major decision made by the Israeli leadership. Many in the press took this as a declaration by Barak that he would always err on the side of the hawks—why take any chances? But in reality, as we saw this week with Operation Pillar of Defense, it can often mean just the opposite. Barak Ravid reports:

At Tuesday’s meeting, just before U.S Secretary of State Hillary Clinton arrived, it became clear to Israel that the principles for a cease-fire being proposed by Egypt were much closer to Hamas’ positions than to its own. The assumption voiced by intelligence officials at the triumvirate meeting was that, contrary to the situation during Mubarak’s era, the Egyptians are aligning with Hamas and trying to provide it with achievements.

This triggered an acerbic dispute between Barak and Lieberman. The defense minister, opposed to an expansion of the operation, thought Israel should respond positively to Egypt’s proposal for a cease-fire and end the operation. Barak said at the meeting that the precise wording of the Egyptian draft is not important since the end of fighting and Israel’s power of deterrence would be tested by the reality on the ground.

Despite a clear lack of trust in their Egyptian counterparts, Barak argued for, and Netanyahu accepted, the merits of ending the conflict without a ground incursion into Gaza. Netanyahu, as we’ve written here before, bears almost no relation to the caricature painted of him in the Western press. The journalists who have spent the last year or two republishing rumors of an imminent Israeli attack on Iran that never materialized too often believed their own spin. Netanyahu, they said, was a warmonger who would order risky comprehensive military operations over the objections of the Israeli public. But in fact, as we learned this week, the Israeli public opposed the cease-fire that brought an end to Operation Pillar of Defense—by a wide margin.

They tended to agree with Avigdor Lieberman, that Israel’s deterrence had not yet been restored. And this wasn’t coming from the peanut gallery sitting on the sidelines. As the Times of Israel reports, there was noticeable and vocal dissent within the military—soldiers who were called up just in case and expressed vehement disappointment that they were never ordered into Gaza.

Netanyahu’s acceptance of the cease-fire is certainly popular outside Israel, especially among his fellow diplomats and heads of state. But there is some risk here too; Netanyahu’s counterparts abroad don’t care what the terms of the deal are, and they don’t much care for Israel’s deterrent capability. They want, more than anything, for Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi to look like a pragmatic dealmaker, to assuage Western fears that a Muslim Brotherhood government in Egypt will side with Hamas, which has its roots in the Brotherhood as well, rather than with Western interests.

And any goodwill Netanyahu earns will dissipate almost immediately; “Bibi the Peacemaker” runs counter to the narrative the media constructed and from which they seem constitutionally incapable of deviating. They told us Netanyahu was launching this conflict to shore up his reelection prospects. That it seems to have done the reverse—he is still favored, but looks to be somewhat weakened by the cease-fire—is an example of the difficult position in which Israel finds itself. Israelis prove time and again that their state can uphold both democracy and national security—two things increasingly unimportant to the Jewish state’s critics abroad.

Ceasefire puts Netanyahu on the defensive, but he likely won’t have to worry come January

November 23, 2012

Ceasefire puts Netanyahu on the defensive, but he likely won’t have to worry come January | The Times of Israel.

In first poll after truce with Hamas, Likud-Beytenu is sliding while Labor gains. But can Yachimovich’s party, lacking in military credibility, turn public disappointment over Pillar of Defense into political gain?

November 22, 2012, 8:53 pm 4
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu speaks at the National Police Headquarers in Jerusalem on November 22, 2012. Photo credit: Yonatan Sindel/Flash90)

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu speaks at the National Police Headquarers in Jerusalem on November 22, 2012. (photo credit: Yonatan Sindel/Flash90)

Benjamin Netanyahu’s decision not to widen the Gaza offensive has put the prime minister on the defensive, a stance he will likely have to maintain for the coming days, and maybe weeks.

The rockets have stopped and Hamas has been dealt a severe blow, but in Israel bitterness is growing over the decision to agree to a ceasefire before launching a ground operation, as many had wished, to ostensibly “clean up” Gaza’s terrorism once and for all.

Indeed, the first poll released after the end of the offensive shows the united Likud-Beytenu list, headed by Netanyahu and Foreign Minister Avigdor Liberman, taking a serious hit, while second-placed Labor remains strong.

With two months to go, though, before January 22′s polling day, the downturn is likely temporary, brought on by disappointment over the purported fruitlessness of Operation Pillar of Defense. After Israel has voted, Netanyahu will likely find himself staying put in the Prime Minister’s Residence.

At the beginning of the Gaza offensive, it seemed Israel had learned lessons from previous military campaigns: the international community firmly supported Israel’s right to defend its citizens, the hasbara (public diplomacy) apparatus worked fine, the number of civilian casualties was kept low.

All large parties in the Knesset put their election campaigns on hold and supported the government’s resort to force. But as the days went by, the wind at the prime minister’s back died down. The right flank demanded the IDF put boots on the ground to wipe out Hamas with a thorough ground operation. The left wanted to see an immediate ceasefire.

Netanyahu opted for the ceasefire, deeply disappointing Israel’s security hawks who felt that if Hamas remained in power, it would be able to rearm soon enough and that Operation Pillar of Defense hadn’t achieved anything after all.

The prime minister is aware that many Israelis, and especially the pool of potential Likud voters, are frustrated, and that he now needs to justify his decision or see some supporters drift toward alternative parties, including those to the right of Likud.

“I know that there are citizens who expected an even sharper response. We are prepared for this as well. Just as we did during this operation, we will decide when and how to act, and against whom,” Netanyahu said Thursday at the National Police Headquarters in Jerusalem. “This [ceasefire] is the right thing to do for the State of Israel at this time, but we are also prepared for the possibility that the ceasefire will not be upheld, and we will know how to act if need be.”

At about same time as he spoke at the police station, about a dozen Israelis gathered in front of the Prime Minister’s Residence to protest the fact that, as they saw it, had Netanyahu let Hamas off the hook.

A little earlier, a group of IDF soldiers, apparently frustrated about Netanyahu’s hesitance to send them into battle, lay on the ground for a rebellious photo shoot and arranged their bodies to spell out the Hebrew words “Bibi [is a] loser.”

Soldiers use their bodies to spell 'Bibi [is a] loser' Thursday (photo credit: screen capture/Facebook)

IDF soldiers using their bodies to spell ‘Bibi [is a] loser,’ November 22, 2012. (photo credit: screen capture/Facebook)

Before the ceasefire was even official, groups of demonstrators had gathered in several cities in the south, chanting, “The people demand quiet in the south.”

By taking the slogan of last year’s social protest movement — “the people demand social justice” — and turning it into a rallying cry for tougher military action in Gaza, were they reflecting a changing theme for the upcoming elections? The left wing had been looking forward to directing the national conversation toward the high cost of living, sharing the national burden and getting the ultra-Orthodox to enlist and to join the workforce, while Netanyahu wanted security considerations to take center stage.

And were elections held this week, security would indeed be the central issue, but it would not work in Netanyahu’s favor.

Before the offensive started, Netanyahu was leading comfortably in every opinion poll; it seemed a matter of course that he would head the next government. Did he shoot himself in the foot when he okayed the killing of Hamas military chief Ahmed Jabari and started the eight-day campaign?

The first poll published after the ceasefire went into effect seems to support that assessment: It predicted merely 33 seats for Likud-Beytenu, nine seats less than Netanyahu’s Likud and Liberman’s Yisrael Beytenu parties had together in the outgoing Knesset. In three polls conducted while the operation was still ongoing, their joint list still had scored between 38 and 41 seats.

Labor, on the other hand, stayed strong in the polls. The surveys taken during the Gaza offensive predicted 21 or 22 seats, and Thursday’s poll, which was conducted for and broadcast by TV’s Knesset Channel, even gives the party 24 seats.

Common wisdom says that in times of war people lean to the right. To some extent that is true now as well. Thursday’s poll sees the far-right Jewish Home and National Union parties, which are running on a united ticket under former Netanyahu aide Naftali Bennett, getting 13 seats. (In the outgoing Knesset, they had seven seats together.)

A new party, Power to Israel, headed by far-right-wingers Michael Ben-Ari and Aryeh Eldad, would win four seats, according to the Knesset Channel poll.

He might be called a “loser” now, but Netanyahu will most likely be reelected, nonetheless Hawkish voters disappointed about the meager outcome of Operation Pillar of Defense will not flock to the left or even centrist parties. According to Thursday’s poll, overall, the right-wing bloc still triumphs handily over the center-left wing bloc, with 69 versus 51 seats.

Labor party Chairwoman Shelly Yachimovich (photo credit: Yoav Ari Dudkevitch/Flash90)

Labor party Chairwoman Shelly Yachimovich (photo credit: Yoav Ari Dudkevitch/Flash90)

What about Labor? Some analysts predict that the center-left party and its chairwoman, Shelly Yachimovich — not Netanyahu — will be the big losers of Operation Pillar of Defense. Rocket alerts and terrorism returned to Tel Aviv, and having security issues on the agenda is bad news for a party not seen as particularly strong in these areas.

While Yachimovich enjoys considerable credibility on socioeconomic issues, her candidates list for the 19th Knesset does not feature anyone with bona fide security credentials.

Uri Sagi, a former head of the IDF’s intelligence branch, had originally planned to run for a spot on Labor’s list, but he stepped out of the race after reports of allegations of sexual misconduct appeared. (Former defense minister and Labor MK Amir Peretz was received like a war hero in the south this week due to his role in the creation of the Iron Dome missile defense system. He will probably do well in the party’s primaries on November 29, but his lack of senior military background and role in the 2006 Lebanon War debacle work against him.)

Yachimovich argues that security credentials are not everything. “Look what’s happening in politics today: you have two highly decorated generals, Ehud Barak and Shaul Mofaz, and both won’t cross the electoral threshold,” she said Thursday. “And then you have me, who was [merely] a first lieutenant in the Israel Air Force. And the party I head has massive support that will get us more than 20 seats.”

Defense Minister Barak (Independence) and opposition leader Mofaz (Kadima) are both former IDF chiefs of staff heading parties that will barely make into the Knesset, if at all, according to current polls.

Yachimovich has a point: Israelis don’t make their vote contingent only on a candidate’s army credentials. Yair Lapid, a former journalist, is also no general, but will likely end up with a healthy number of Knesset seats. Still, Labor’s security vacuum is sure to cost it support.

Operation Pillar of Defense will be dissected non-stop — hailed by some and condemned by others — during the next few weeks, as the campaign gets into gear again after the war-imposed eight-day hiatus. But it may not be a big game-changer.

It is natural that polls fluctuate during and right after a war. Surveys and anti-government demonstrations reflect the current mood of the people. But there are two months left before voters actually head to the polls. If the ceasefire with the Hamas holds for that long, so will Netanyahu’s comfortable lead.

Report: Egypt Warned Ground Op would End Peace

November 23, 2012

Report: Egypt Warned Ground Op would End Peace – Defense/Security – News – Israel National News.

Israel decided to refrain from a ground invasion of Gaza after it was warned that such a move could spell the end of the peace agreements with Egypt and Jordan, Channel 2 reported Thursday.

According to the report, Mossad Head Tamir Pardo, who went to Cairo as Israel’s representative in the contacts that preceded the ceasefire, was told in messages from Cairo and from Washington that the peaceful relations between Israel, Jordan and Egypt were at risk.

In addition, Channel 2 reported that the Americans asked Egypt’s president Mohammed Morsi to talk directly with Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu about the ceasefire – but Morsi refused pointedly.

Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman told Channel 1 that some of the considerations behind the unpopular decision to agree to a ceasefire could not be made public. He said, however, that if the government’s motivation had been political, it would have made the opposite decision.

Lieberman: Power is Also About Holding Back

November 23, 2012

Lieberman: Power is Also About Holding Back – Defense/Security – News – Israel National News.

“I am proud that we can make decisions even when they are contrary to electoral interests,” Minister Lieberman says about Gaza.

By Elad Benari

First Publish: 11/23/2012, 4:43 AM

 

Israel’s power is rooted not just in its ability to strike but also in its ability to hold back when necessary, Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman said on Thursday.

“I am proud that we have a leadership that can make decisions even when they are contrary to its electoral interests,” Lieberman told Channel 2 News about the decision to call a ceasefire in Gaza rather than choosing to launch a ground assault.

“It is obvious that a majority of the population was in favor of continuing the operation,” Lieberman added, “but power is not only about hitting but also about holding back.”

At the same time he expressed skepticism as to whether the ceasefire would last. “I definitely think it is not over and done with. We will have to topple the Hamas regime over time. However, under the current circumstances, we made the best decision [when opting for a ceasefire].”

Lieberman added, “We had many misgivings and not all of them can be shared with the public. This was not a strategic operation. We explicitly said that there are three goals: stopping the rocket fire, restoring deterrence and destroying Hamas’s stockpiles of long-range Fajr missiles. We achieved all those goals.”

Asked why Israel did not utilize Operation Pillar of Defense to topple Hamas, something Lieberman himself has called to do in the past, he answered, “We placed the issue of Gaza in the coalition agreement because we knew it was a problem that needs to be dealt with. Our advantage is definitely in the Air Force. Our weak spot is our value for human life. Entering Gaza means fighting from house to house in Khan Yunis, Gaza and Rafiah.”

“Eradicating Hamas will not take two or three months, not even four months,” said Lieberman. “At this time it was not appropriate to make decisions like that, so there was no misleading of the public. We did our best.”

Referring to the potential impact the ceasefire may have on the elections, Lieberman said, “The public knows exactly what I represent. In this case the right decision was made, even if it is not popular and against my electoral interests.”

A poll taken after the ceasefire was declared between Israel and Hamas found that the joint Likud-Yisrael Beytenu list has been severely weakened by the operation.

According to a Panels Institute poll carried out for the Knesset Channel, if elections were held today, Likud Beytenu would receive 33 seats – five less than a Panels poll gave it before the 8-day operation.

The Jewish Home / National Union party grows from 11 to 13 projected seats, while Michael Ben-Ari’s Power to Israel goes from 3 to 4 seats.

Defense Minister Ehud Barak, in a separate Channel 2 interview on Thursday, was asked about the public’s disappointment with the way the operation ended. He replied that it is the government and not the public that must make such decisions. “I remember situations in which 80% of the Israeli public supported a certain decision, and ten days later it turned out to be a very big failure,” he added.

Defending the decision to stop the operation, he said: “The leadership has the appropriate tools.  It is still not time to enter Gaza in a very wide operation and conquer it.”

Barak said no one expected Hamas to “go down on its knees,” and no one expected it to disappear in an operation that did not include the IDF entering Gaza. “Whoever dreams at night about the beach of Gaza and the alleys of Beit Lahiya has the right to do so,” he added. “I do not miss these places. Only bringing Israeli rule back to Gaza will topple Hamas rule, but I am not sure that this would be wise.”

Former Chief Military Rabbi Brig. Gen. Rabbi Avichai Ronsky called the ceasefire with Hamas “a huge failure.”

Speaking with Arutz Sheva, he said, “You had tens of thousands of soldiers here, from the standing army and mostly the reserves, who left everything – the family, work – and came immediately, out of a strong desire to stop the immense chutzpah of the terror groups, which have started to get us used to having missiles fired at Jerusalem, Rishon Letzion and Tel Aviv.

“The ceasefire, in my eyes, is a great mistake and a disappointment to many.”

Iron Dome Gaza Rocket Shootdowns Cost Israel $25-$30 Million

November 23, 2012

Iron Dome Gaza Rocket Shootdowns Cost Israel $25-$30 Million.

Reuters  |  Posted: 11/22/2012 6:21 am EST Updated: 11/22/2012 8:44 am EST

 

 

 


By Dan Williams

JERUSALEM, Nov 22 (Reuters) – Israel’s Iron Dome interceptions of Palestinian rockets during eight days of Gaza fighting cost $25 million to $30 million, the government said on Thursday, arguing the U.S.-backed system was well worth the money.

“Were Iron Dome traded on the (Tel Aviv) stock exchange or Nasdaq, it would have multiplied its share value several times over,” Civil Defence Minister Avi Dichter told Israel Radio in an interview where he outlined the system’s outlay.

Using radar-guided interceptor missiles, Israel’s five truck-towed Iron Dome batteries shot down 421 of some 1,500 rockets launched from the Gaza Strip between Nov. 14 and Wednesday’s Egyptian-brokered truce, the military said.

It put Iron Dome’s success rate at 90 percent. To lower costs, the system engages only rockets that threaten populated areas, though it often fires two interceptor missiles at once.

Rockets killed 5 people in Israel and wounded dozens during the conflict, police said. Three died in coastal Ashdod on a day when Rafael Advanced Defence Systems Ltd, Iron Dome’s state-owned manufacturer, said the system had suffered a malfunction.

If more Hamas rockets had got through, especially the handful fired at the commercial hub Tel Aviv, and caused mass casualties, devastating Israeli retaliation perhaps including a full-scale ground assault would have been nearly certain.

A senior official estimated that such escalation could cost Israel as much as $380 million a day. Keen to stem that risk, the United States has been helping bankroll Iron Dome. President Barack Obama pledged further support on Wednesday.

Israel says it needs 13 batteries for satisfactory nationwide defence. A defence industry source put the unit cost for Israel at around $50 million.

The focus of Israel’s aerial assault on Gaza were the stockpiles and launch silos of rockets imported or improvised by Hamas and other factions. Gaza medical officials said 162 Palestinians were killed, more than half of them civilians.

The most potent of those rockets were Iranian-designed Fajr-5s with 75 km (46 mile) ranges and 175 kg (385 lb) warheads, though Hamas also said it used a Gaza-made variant, “Qassam M-75”.

Iran denies supplying arms to the Palestinians. But the Iranian Young Journalists Club website on Wednesday quoted the commander of the Islamic republic’s Revolutionary Guards, Mohammad Ali Jafari, saying the corps had “put the technology of Fajr-5 missiles at their (Gazans’) disposal and right now a good number of these have been made and are available to them”.

Summarising the Gaza assault in a separate Israel Radio interview, Defence Minister Ehud Barak said: “Hamas’s heavy rockets were destroyed (and) a large part of the mid-range rockets were destroyed.”

Iron Dome Gaza Rocket Shootdowns Cost Israel $25-$30 Million

November 23, 2012

Iron Dome Gaza Rocket Shootdowns Cost Israel $25-$30 Million.

Iron Dome Gaza Rocket Shootdowns Cost Israel $25-$30 Million.

Reuters  |  Posted: 11/22/2012 6:21 am EST Updated: 11/22/2012 8:44 am EST

 

 

 


By Dan Williams

JERUSALEM, Nov 22 (Reuters) – Israel’s Iron Dome interceptions of Palestinian rockets during eight days of Gaza fighting cost $25 million to $30 million, the government said on Thursday, arguing the U.S.-backed system was well worth the money.

“Were Iron Dome traded on the (Tel Aviv) stock exchange or Nasdaq, it would have multiplied its share value several times over,” Civil Defence Minister Avi Dichter told Israel Radio in an interview where he outlined the system’s outlay.

Using radar-guided interceptor missiles, Israel’s five truck-towed Iron Dome batteries shot down 421 of some 1,500 rockets launched from the Gaza Strip between Nov. 14 and Wednesday’s Egyptian-brokered truce, the military said.

It put Iron Dome’s success rate at 90 percent. To lower costs, the system engages only rockets that threaten populated areas, though it often fires two interceptor missiles at once.

Rockets killed 5 people in Israel and wounded dozens during the conflict, police said. Three died in coastal Ashdod on a day when Rafael Advanced Defence Systems Ltd, Iron Dome’s state-owned manufacturer, said the system had suffered a malfunction.

If more Hamas rockets had got through, especially the handful fired at the commercial hub Tel Aviv, and caused mass casualties, devastating Israeli retaliation perhaps including a full-scale ground assault would have been nearly certain.

A senior official estimated that such escalation could cost Israel as much as $380 million a day. Keen to stem that risk, the United States has been helping bankroll Iron Dome. President Barack Obama pledged further support on Wednesday.

Israel says it needs 13 batteries for satisfactory nationwide defence. A defence industry source put the unit cost for Israel at around $50 million.

The focus of Israel’s aerial assault on Gaza were the stockpiles and launch silos of rockets imported or improvised by Hamas and other factions. Gaza medical officials said 162 Palestinians were killed, more than half of them civilians.

The most potent of those rockets were Iranian-designed Fajr-5s with 75 km (46 mile) ranges and 175 kg (385 lb) warheads, though Hamas also said it used a Gaza-made variant, “Qassam M-75”.

Iran denies supplying arms to the Palestinians. But the Iranian Young Journalists Club website on Wednesday quoted the commander of the Islamic republic’s Revolutionary Guards, Mohammad Ali Jafari, saying the corps had “put the technology of Fajr-5 missiles at their (Gazans’) disposal and right now a good number of these have been made and are available to them”.

Summarising the Gaza assault in a separate Israel Radio interview, Defence Minister Ehud Barak said: “Hamas’s heavy rockets were destroyed (and) a large part of the mid-range rockets were destroyed.”

Who won?

November 23, 2012

Who won? – JPost – Opinion – Editorials.

( Hanging on the cross singing, “Always look on the bright side of life… ”  – JW )

 We should be encouraged by the many positive developments that emerged in the past eight days.

Gazans celebrate after cease-fire

Photo: Reuters

Understandably, many Israelis are dissatisfied with the outcome of Operation Pillar of Defense. As was the case in previous clashes with the Hamas and the other terrorist organizations operating in Gaza Strip, there was no clear-cut Israeli victory. The official cease-fire document – which remains unsigned – is opaque.There is nothing in it, for instance, that obligates Hamas – as the de facto government in Gaza – to maintain the quiet. Theoretically, Hamas bears no responsibility if one of the smaller terrorist organizations – the Iranian-backed Islamic Jihad, the Salafists, the Popular Resistance Committees and others – were to launch a rocket attack on Israel.

And as Ashdod Mayor Yehiel Lasri pointed out Thursday, Hamas gained a certain level of legitimacy by negotiating a cease-fire agreement in an international framework.

It is important, however, not to lose sight of the many positive developments that have come to light in the aftermath of Operation Pillar of Defense.

The launching of the operation posed the first serious test of the effects of the Arab uprisings – and Israel appears to have passed the exam. There was real concern ahead of the decision to launch Operation Pillar of Defense that the IDF’s ability to stage large military operations would be more constrained in the wake of the Arab uprisings.

Yet, there was strikingly little popular mobilization in the Arab and Muslim world against Israel for defending itself against Hamas’s aggression. Admittedly, there were small and relatively contained demonstrations in Turkey, Tunisia, Malaysia, Yemen and elsewhere. Even in Cairo, where the ruling Muslim Brotherhood made an effort to mobilize the populace, demonstrations succeeded in attracting no more than a few thousand.

If anything, Egypt turned out to be a responsible regional power that was instrumental in bringing about a quick end to the conflict. True, President Mohamad Morsi threatened Israel in the first days of the operation, declaring “Egypt is different from yesterday.”

But the fiery rhetoric did not translate into deeds. The Muslim Brotherhood leader has not so far changed core foreign policy positions undertaken by Hosni Mubarak.

Significantly, Cairo, which also has an interest in demilitarizing the Gaza Strip, has reportedly taken upon itself the responsibility for preventing the smuggling of arms via the Philadelphi Route. Time will tell if Egypt will truly stand by its promise. In addition, US President Barack Obama’s unequivocal support for Israel’s right to defend itself provided an opportunity for Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu to reset his sometimes tense relations with the American commander-in-chief.

Particularly encouraging was the strong backing for Israel coming from Europe. While visiting Jerusalem, German Foreign Minister Guido Westerwelle, speaking for the entire EU, placed the blame for the conflict squarely on Hamas’s shoulders and supported Israel’s right to do what was necessary to defend its citizens.

The resilience of the residents of the South was truly inspiring. Israelis in Beersheba, Ashdod, Ashkelon, Sderot and other communities that bore the brunt of the rocket and mortar barrage did not give in to the intimidation and the scare tactics of Hamas and the other murderous terrorist organizations. Residents of the South strongly supported the government’s decision to launch Operation Pillar of Defense, though it resulted in a sharp rise in rockets and mortar shells fired at their communities.

The courage of the residents of the South was buttressed by the Iron Dome anti-rocket system. With a nearly 90 percent success rate, Iron Dome provided crucial protection to Israelis while the IDF had the breathing room to carefully and accurately target terrorists and arms caches.

Despite all of their throaty declarations of victory against the “Zionist entity,” Hamas and the other terrorist organizations were hurt badly by the latest round of clashes.

In coming weeks Hamas-controlled Gaza’s population will come to grips with the tremendous price they have been forced to pay because their leaders have chosen the path of terrorism. Undoubtedly, a certain amount of deterrence was restored.

While Operation Pillar of Defense may not have achieved a clear-cut victory against the terrorists in Gaza, and sooner or later there will be another round of violence – at least as long as Hamas is in control – we should be encouraged by the many positive developments that emerged in the past eight days.

Shin Bet, police arrest suspects in TA bus bombing

November 23, 2012

Shin Bet, police arrest suspects in TA bus bom… JPost – Defense.

By JERUSALEM POST STAFF
11/22/2012 22:48
Israel Security Agency reveals suspects were arrested hours after the terror attack that wounded 29 Israelis.

Tel Aviv bus hit by explosion.

Photo: REUTERS/NIR ELIAS

Shin Bet officers and police arrested the terrorists who bombed a bus in Tel Aviv on Wednesday several hours after the device exploded, the agency revealed on Thursday evening.

The cell’s members mostly came from Beit Lakia, near Ramallah, the Shin Bet (Israel Security Agency) announced in a statement, without saying how many were under arrest.

During their preliminary interrogation, the cell’s members identified with Hamas and Islamic Jihad and said they had agreed to commit an act of terrorism, prepared the bomb and purchased cellular phones to detonate it by remote control.

They also said one of the cell’s members was from Taiba in Israel. He originally come from Beit Lakia, and acquired Israeli citizenship after marrying an Israeli Arab.

The cell is said to have reached Tel Aviv in a car belonging to an Arab from east Jerusalem who employed the man from Taiba. The latter was in charge of putting the device on the bus, and after he notified his Beit Lakia commander by phone, the bomb was detonated from Beit Lakia.

The Shin Bet said the interrogation was still not complete and that further arrests were expected.

Of the 28 Israelis wounded in the bombing, five remained hospitalized on Thursday, one in serious condition.