Archive for October 2012

Obama-Khamenei summit would cap long back-channel dialogue

October 21, 2012

Obama-Khamenei summit would cap long back-channel dialogue.

DEBKAfile Exclusive Report October 21, 2012, 3:48 AM (GMT+02:00)

 

A pre-election summit?
A pre-election summit?

US President Barack Obama has agreed to hold direct talks on Iran’s nuclear program with its leaders, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. Is this a surprise? On April 16, 2012, debkafile disclosed that Washington and Tehran were conducting back-channel talks in Paris and Vienna, Sources close to Obama have now leaked word to the New York Times that the dialogue is to be elevated to direct talks at summit level.

This disclosure, despite its subsequent denial by the White House, has three clear objects:

1.  To slow down the Republican contender Mitt Romney’s momentum in opinion polls ahead of the Nov. 6 election. Obama’s campaign advisers believe the president’s willingness to engage Iranian leaders directly on their nuclear program, in contrast to Romney’s tougher stance, will appeal to the American voter’s reluctance for US military action.
2.  To preempt Romney’s presumed plan to drop the disclosure of the back-channel dialogue as a bombshell in their last debate on foreign policy scheduled for Monday, Oct. 22 in Florida.

3.  To reassure Tehran that the Austere Challenge 12 joint US-Israeli war game starting Sunday Oct. 21 – albeit in reduced form – will not be the opening shot for an “October surprise” on Iran.
This kite was flown by David Rothkopf, who is close to the Democratic leadership, in Foreign Policy on October 9, although it was not picked up by anyone else in Washington or Jerusalem. Under the heading an “October surprise,” he cited a White House faction as recommending to Obama that the US join Israel in launching a surgical operation against Iran’s nuclear facilities before the US election.
Obama is now signaling Tehran that he has rejected this advice in favor of upgrading his dialogue with Iranian leaders.
However, beyond the calculus of campaign strategy, it is important to note that the clandestine dialogue in progress for the best part of a year has produced no breakthrough in the controversy on Iran’s nuclear aspirations. This is mainly because Obama’s emissaries have never stipulated plainly that Tehran must stop uranium enrichment as a quid pro quo for the dialogue to continue. Just the reverse: they let it be known that Washington does not object to Iran’s enrichment program per se so long as it is not used for building a nuclear weapon.
The differences between the two sides centered on the American demand for the International Atomic Energy Agency to be allowed  24/7 monitoring access to the enrichment projects to determine that parts of the stock did not suddenly disappear for use in manufacturing a bomb. Tehran has only agreed to inspectors paying visits once a fortnight.

Vice President Joe Biden was outspoken about this during his debate with Paul Ryan on Oct. 11. He actually said that the quantities of enriched uranium accumulated don’t matter – only what Iran does with it.  This admission aroused little notice although it implied that the Obama administration is willing to let Iran approach a very risky threshold.
It also indicated a very wide gulf still existing between the Obama administration’s indulgent attitude toward a nuclear Iran and Israel’s insistence on red lines for limiting the quantities and grades of enriched uranium Iran is permitted to accumulate.

At the same time, Israel keeps on backtracking on those red lines: When Iran moved its enrichment plant into an immune zone earlier this month, one red line disappeared. And Israel is no longer openly challenging Washington’s assurance that a decision by Khamenei to go forward and start building a weapon would reach US intelligence at the precise moment it is made.
Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu and Defense Minister Ehud Barak have therefore been forced back step by step and have silently fallen in behind Obama.
For his part, the US president believes a summit with Iran’s rulers will enhance his chances of reelection. But he is leaving Netanyahu to face the Israeli voter in three months with nothing remaining of his pledge to prevent a nuclear Iran, and clutching at the outward concurrence between Israeli and US intelligence appraisals of Iran’s nuclear progress.
There is no real concurrence; the gap is as wide as ever. But by failing to deny Israeli affinity with the United States on this issue, Netanyahu and Barak are not only helping Barack Obama but also encouraging Tehran to keep going.

White House denies US, Iran agreed to one-on-one talks

October 21, 2012

White House denies US, Iran agre… JPost – Iranian Threat – News.

By REUTERS, JPOST.COM STAFF
10/21/2012 01:36
According to ‘NY Times’ talks will begin after US election as per Iranian demand; US: Report “not true,” administration will continue to work with fellow permanent members of UNSC, Germany to resolve Iran nuclear issue.

US President Obama at White House Rose Garden

Photo: Yuri Gripas / Reuters

The White House on Saturday denied a report in the New York Times that said the Obama administration had agreed to one-on-one talks with Iran on its nuclear program.

National Security Council spokesman Tommy Vietor said in a statement the United States would continue to work with fellow permanent members of the UN Security Council and Germany to resolve the issue.

“It’s not true that the United States and Iran have agreed to one-on-one talks or any meeting after the American elections,” the statement said.

“We continue to work with the P5+1 (five permanent members of the UN Security Council plus Germany) on a diplomatic solution and have said from the outset that we would be prepared to meet bilaterally.”

The report cited Obama administration officials saying the talks will take place some time after the November 6 US presidential election, as Iran insists on knowing who the American president will be at the time.

The Times reported that the agreement was the culmination of years-long intense back-channel communications between Iranian and US officials.

The paper stated that while the announcement may enable US President Barack Obama to make a case that he is nearing a diplomatic breakthrough with Iran, it may also allow the Iranians to buy time to continue their nuclear progress.

In this respect, the Times warned that there is still a chance that the initiative could fall through, even in the event Obama is re-elected. Specifically, American officials told the paper they were uncertain whether Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei had signed off on the deal, although the American understandings reportedly have been reached with senior Iranian officials who report to him.

Israeli Ambassador to the US Michael Oren also responded to the report, saying that the Obama administration had not informed Israel of such an agreement,and that the the Israel government feared Iran would use new talks to “advance their nuclear weapons program,” the Times reported.

We do not think Iran should be rewarded with direct talks,” Oren said, “rather that sanctions and all other possible pressures on Iran must be increased.”

The United States and other Western powers have charged that Iran’s nuclear program is aimed at developing nuclear weapons, but Tehran insists the program is for peaceful purposes. Israel has said it would use military force to prevent Iran from becoming a nuclear power.

Republican presidential candidate Mitt Romney has attacked Obama for failing to curb Iran’s nuclear ambitions. The two candidates will meet on Monday in their final debate, which will focus on foreign policy.

Nasrallah-Your Time is Up

October 20, 2012

FROM THE ISRAELI PRESS: Nasrallah-Your Time is Up – Op-Eds – Israel National News.

Published: Saturday, October 20, 2012 10:08 PM
Hizbullah’s support for Syria’s Assad has led to scathing Arab criticism of its leader, who, once Assad falls, will have to flee Lebanon to save his own life.

An organization that calls itself “Arab Intellectuals United”, headed by a Palestinian Arab named Amar el Azam, has published a news release that calls for Hizbullah head Hassan Nasrallah to remove his forces from Syria immediately – and in particular, to get rid of the 1500 Hizbullah fighters that Azam claims are guarding President Bashar Assad.

The following is a translation of the release (brackets by the writer):

“We, who believed in you and supported you in the July 2006 war [against Israel, M.K.], are totally disgusted and repelled by you, now that you are entangled in the partnership to spill Syrian blood. Your shameful ethnic Shiite loyalty has overcome your counterfeit Arab character. In the past, we fantasized that the Lebanese Shiites are historically, culturally, nationally and religiously the closest to their Sunni Arab brothers, but the turban on your head was manufactured in Kom [the ayatollah’s city in Iran, M.K.] and explains why you are a pawn of the Iranians in spilling Syrian blood.

“Your part in eliminating many Lebanese politicians and intellectuals  [such as Rafiq Hariri, M.K.] and the part that you are playing in putting down the Syrian rebellion, are harbingers of the end of your leadership, and you should be brought to judgment as a person who committed war crimes against the Arab people and humanity.  We promise to open Shiite religious centers where thousands will mourn you after you have been eliminated along with your gang of mercenaries.

We call upon you to save the vestiges of profaned Arab honor, before your traitorous artillery [Hizbullah arms that were meant only for fighting Zionists, M.K.] will be thrown soundlessly into the nearest dump.”

Criticism of the Hizbullah is not limited to this intellectual organization, and includes most of the organizations and spokesman in the Arab world, including Shiites- and not just Shiites – in Lebanon. The Lebanese Shiites have always criticized the accord between the Arab Hizbullah and the Iranians, an agreement that was directed against Sunni Arabs and Christians, but their criticism was pushed aside in the aftermath of the so-called “victory” of 2006.

The Second Lebanon War in 2006 caused the death of 1300 Lebanese, most of them Hizbullah fighters, and the destruction of infrastructure and dwellings; a half million refugees fled Southern Lebanon. Despite all that, the Hizbullah propaganda machine succeeded in convincing the Lebanese that the defeat was a victory.   After all, Nasrallah survived, refused to return the two Israeli soldiers he had kidnapped, Eldad Regev and Ehud Goldwasser Hy”d, and refused stubbornly to agree to give up Hizbullah weapons, claiming that they were for fighting the Zionist enemy and freeing captured lands.

HIzbullah became the most admired organization in the Arab world, because it succeeded where all the Arab armies failed, and Nasrallah became a hero of the Arab peoples because he stuck unwaveringly to his goal. The Arab world ignored the fact that Hizbullah is a Shiite organization, while the overwhelming majority of Arabs are Sunni, and that the Hizbullah is actually an extension of Iran, a Moslem but non-Arab nation. Arab admiration for Nasrallah in 2006 was sky high.

Even though UNIFIL forces were strengthened, as was their field of operations, by UN Resolution 1701, the Syria-Lebanon border continued to be wide open to the passage of rockets, arms and weapons that flowed unhindered from Iran through Syria and on to Lebanon. HIzbullah was rehabilitated and strengthened in a coordinated Syrian-Iran operation and owes its existence to both of those countries. If not for Hafez and Bashar Assad and the Iranian Imams Khamenei and Khomeini, the Shiite’s in Lebanon, along with their aging militia Amal, would have remained neglected and insignificant.

Hizbullah spokesmen expressed total support for the Syrian regime from the start of the anti-Bashar demonstrations in 2011, for their hearts are with the Damascus regime and not with the mostly Sunni crowds trying to overturn it. The first reports that Hizbullah fighters, mostly sharpshooters, had reached Syria to help suppress the still non-violent protests were in June 2011.

All through 2012, there were constant reports of particularly cruel “Lebanese” fighters alongside Assad’s army, of secret burials of Lebanese dead near the Syrian border, and of the clampdown that Hizbullah maintained over their families to prevent any external signs of mourning – and of Lebanese prisoners in the hands of the Syrian rebels. HIzbullah generally ignored the rumors and when it did refer to them, it was to deny them.

The Arab media, however, did not remain silent and maintained continuous coverage of Hizbullah involvement in Syria, especially after it became known several weeks ago that the Free Syria army is negotiating the release of tens of Hizbullah fighters it had taken prisoner.

The Arab world discovered that the hero of 2006, Hizbullah, had become a murderer of Arabs, an eliminator of Muslims, an enemy of Sunnis. Hizbullah detractors, mainly in Saudi Arabia and the Emirates, ridiculed the organization spokesmen’s claim that its weapons are for fighting Israel and that its only mission is against the Zionists. “How many Zionists are in Damascus? And in Homs?” they asked.

Nasrallah has no choice but to support Assad today because of the many years he received support from Assad and because his Iranian patron wholeheartedly supports the Assad regime.

In a discussion this week on BBC radio, the Hizbullah spokesman said that if there are Hizbullah fighters in Syria, they are only there to defend Lebanon’s borders from “terrorists” that threaten Lebanese citizens.

In response, the Free Syria Army representative threatened that after their forces eliminate Assad and his henchmen, 23 million Syrians will settle accounts with the Hizbullah gang and eliminate Hassan Nasrallah – even if he continues to hide like a mouse in his bunker in the southern suburb of Beirut, Dahyeh, a Shiite stronghold.

This threat and Assad’s precarious situation have made Nasrallah appear to be someone who bet on the wrong horse, because when Assad falls, Nasrallah will be persona non grata and  have to flee Lebanon to avoid assassination.

Without doubt, when the bloody regime of Assad falls, the status of Hizbullah will be severely shaken – and in one fell swoop the Syrian and Lebanese tentacle of the Iranian octopus will be cut off.

This may result in feuding within the Iranian regime over whose fault the decision to bet on Assad was, and why he was allowed to be defeated. This dispute might even affect the unity of the Ayatollah’s control and hasten its end.

An important question is how the Iranian will react to the approaching double defeat of Assad and Hizbullah. Will they accept it as heavenly ordained and inevitable or will they act decisively against Assad’s opponents? Iran could conceivably send large military forces – armored divisions, for example – to Syria via Iraq. Iran, may we inform those in the White House, is now in almost complete control of what happens in Iraq.

The passage of Iranian forces will be at the official and legal invitation of the Iraqi and Syrian governments and therefore pose no problem for Iran.

Will Turkey intervene by attacking the Iranian forces flowing into Syria via Iraq? Will the US or NATO act? What will Israel do to prevent the presence of Iranian forces opposite the Golan Heights? And how will the world react to Iranian forces entering Syria if Iran announces that it has a nuclear bomb?

Another dilemma that the world, and Israel in particular, must address is the situation in Jordan. Iraq, which borders Jordan on the east, has become, ever since NATO forces left the country a year ago, an ‘honorary member’ of the Iranian coalition. An Iranian army in Iraq with that government’s permission, could easily go on to Jordan, not only to Syria, and threaten Saudi Arabia as well as Israel.

The possibility – even the remote one – that this could occur, must make Israel resist any thought of giving up the Jordan Valley, as that is the only area where Israel could stop a foreign force, Iranian or Iraqi, that might attempt to attack Israel from the east. A significant fighting force that succeeds in crossing the Jordan Valley from east to west may bring the next war to the streets of Tel Aviv.

Translated from the Hebrew newspaper Makor Rishon, posted with the author’s permission.

The Jewish future is only in Israel

October 20, 2012

Israel Hayom | The Jewish future is only in Israel.

In 1543, Martin Luther wrote in his treatise “On the Jews and Their Lies” that Jewish prayer houses should be set on fire, and any part that doesn’t burn should be buried in dirt for eternity. In the early morning hours of Nov. 10, 1938, in the heart of enlightened Europe, an angry mob set fire to more than 1,000 synagogues in Germany – an incident known as Kristallnacht. Hundreds of years of hateful anti-Semitism led to the demise of six million of our fellow Jews.

Now, on Europe’s soil, the old anti-Semitism is making a comeback, this time led by extreme Islam and its efforts to launch a global jihad; An insane holy war that is trying to sabotage the world order, and is getting closer to obtaining nuclear weapons and stores of chemical arms. Many of the tens of million Muslims currently living in Europe support the effort to impose Islam on the entire continent, be it privately or vocally. Mosques are filling up Europe’s streets and they often serve as greenhouses of radicalization, cultivating intense hate.

It is now becoming ever more apparent that Europe is no longer a safe place for Diaspora Jews, and quite frankly, it never was. France is a tangible and familiar example, but the same is true of Belgium, England, Germany, Denmark and other European countries.

History has proven that every time tensions rise between Christians and Muslims, the Jews are the first to pay the price. The blows being traded these days are between two warring civilizations, a tectonic clash threatening human dignity and even humanity’s lifespan.

The State of Israel must make every effort to bring Europe’s Jews to Israel. Israel is the only place on Earth where Jews are free to live their lives, under the rule of no one but themselves. I recently met a new immigrant from France. In Paris he owned a thriving toy import business, and he was a very wealthy man. After the 2005 riots in Paris and in other cities he came to the conclusion that France is powerless to protect him in a true crisis. Jews were being persecuted in Toulouse, Lyon and elsewhere, and there, too, the police were powerless to stop these attacks.

The State of Israel was established, among other reasons, to serve as a home to all the Jews of the world. Unfortunately, most of the immigrants who have come to Israel since its establishment have come here due to a crisis or threat. The number of immigrants hailing from developed countries is very slim — no more than several thousand per year. The Jews of Europe and the U.S. have traditionally felt safe and preferred to contribute to the absorption of Ethiopian Jews and Jews from the former Soviet Union in Israel rather than immigrating themselves. But now, times have changed. The government of Israel must prepare to absorb many new immigrants, including some without any means.

The Jews of the world know that the future of the Jewish people is in Israel. Diaspora Jews are living on borrowed time, in the spiritual sense certainly, and unfortunately, I fear, in the physical sense as well.

Syria, Iran, Hizballah attack while US and Israel play computerized war games

October 20, 2012

Syria, Iran, Hizballah attack while US and Israel play computerized war games.

DEBKAfile Exclusive Analysis October 20, 2012, 1:15 PM (GMT+02:00)

 

Bombing outrage in Beirut

The assassination of the anti-Syrian Head of the Lebanon’s Internal Security Forces intelligence branch, Brig. Gen. Wissam al-Hasan, Friday, Oct. 19, by a huge car bomb blast in East Beirut’s Ashrafiya district marked the brutal spillover of the Syrian bloodbath into a second Arab capital and the threat of its spread towards Israel.
Eighteen months ago, in May 2011, shortly after Syrians rose up against Bashar Assad, Rami Makhlouf, a leading architect of his tactics of suppression, warned, “If there is no stability here, there’s no way there will be stability in Israel.”
Israel should take careful note of the outrage in Beirut in which seven Lebanese were killed and 73 injured in order to liiquidate Assad’s foe in Beirut.

In August, Gen. Al-Hasan uncovered a Syrian plot to destabilize Lebanon by a bombing campaign and arrested the pro-Syrian politician and ex-information minister Michel Samaha for complicity in the plot. He also led the investigation that implicated Damascus in the 2005 bombing atrocity that killed former Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri.
Gen. Al-Hasan’s murder brought forth angry protesters.They blocked roads and highways in several towns including the Beirut-Syrian road link as the Lebanese government met in emergency session Saturday, Oct. 20, and announced a day of national mourning.
In the wider sense, the murder of the Lebanese anti-Syrian terror crusader demonstrated that hopes in the West and Israel of the Syrian conflict eventually sundering the Tehran-Damascus-Hizballah axis were no better than pipedreams, just like the belief that liquidating Iran’s nuclear scientists or cyber warfare would turn Tehran back from its march towards a nuclear weapon.
After nearly two years, those illusions have been dissipated: The Syrian bloodbath is spreading more malignantly than ever with solid Iranian and Hizballah support and Tehran is closer than ever to realizing its nuclear aspirations.
This week, US President Barack Obama reined in Turkish Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan and his chief of staff Gen. Necdet Ozel from expanding Turkish cross-border clashes with Syria by sending Gen. Martin Dempsey, Chairman of the US Joint Chiefs of Staff, to Ankara. His restraining hand kept Turkey from going beyond artillery backing for Syrian rebels inside a10-kilometer limit inside Syria. He also cautioned the Turks against sending their warplanes across the border into Syrian airspace.
Because of these curbs, US Ambassador to Turkey Francis Ricciardone was able to state Tuesday “We don’t see a possibility of war between Syria and Turkey.” He spoke to reporters in Ankara with the top American soldier beside him.

If they were talking, Turkish Erdogan could compare notes with Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu, who has experienced similar Washington restraints against launching military action to curtail Iran’s nuclear program.

Whether or not the United States should step into the two blazing conflicts with two feet – or limit itself to extending military support from the outside to the forces willing to take on Syria and Iran – is a tough question which the two US presidential contenders, Barack Obama and Mitt Romney may address in their third and final pre-election debate in Florida, Monday, Oct. 22.
The differences between the rivals on this point don’t appear substantial. However their contest in the run-up to the Nov.6 election has diverted attention from Ankara and Jerusalem and rescued the Turkish and Israeli leaders from even tougher questions about their reluctance to act without America – Turkey versus Syria and Israel versus Iran –  although the Syrian-Iranian-Hizballah menace is knocking on their doors.
They are not alone. The list of Middle East governments, shy of acting without America against encroaching threats from one or more of the three aggressors, includes Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the rest of the Gulf emirates.
The rulers of Russia, Iran and its Lebanese arm Hizballah, in contrast, were emboldened by the US ambassador’s comment in Ankara, its effect on Erdogan and Netanyahu’s non-response to the Iranian stealth drone’s invasion of Israeli air space. They concluded that both leaders would continue to sit on their hands.
And so Assad seized the moment for sending his air force to assault opposition forces with unprecedented fury. Cluster bombs were dropped without mercy on urban areas, causing an estimated 1,200 deaths and reducing entire villages and small towns to smoking rubble.
And his assassins struck across the border into the heart of Beirut for a devastating bombing attack that recalled the horrors of a former Assad bombing campaign against his Lebanese opponents, one of which dispatched the former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri in 2005.
Every few days, the Syria-Hizballah-Iran bloc ratchets up the violence with a new outrage in the certainty that there will be no comeback.
Sunday, Oct. 21, the US and Israel launch Austere Challenge 12, which they are calling their biggest joint war game ever, to practice defending Israel against a missile attack.
But in tune with the general air of denial hanging over Washington and Jerusalem, the exercise has been reduced in scale to just 1,000 soldiers on each side, with most of the action conducted through simulated computer games. As every soldier knows, this is a far cry from real operations on a battlefield.

Both American and Israeli war planners also realize that even these games are only applicable to defenses against an Iranian ballistic missile attack – not a triple Iranian-Syrian-Hizballah missile assault. This would call for US-Israeli air force intervention. But the air force is not taking part in the war game.

Iran points finger at Israel for Beirut bombing

October 20, 2012

Iran points finger at Israel for… JPost – Iranian Threat – News.

By REUTERS

 

10/20/2012 12:14
Foreign Ministry spokesman says Zionist regime benefits from regional instability; Israel dismisses remark as “pathetic.”

Car bomb damage in Beirut, Lebanon.

Photo: reuters

DUBAI – Iran on Saturday condemned a car bomb attack in Beirut that killed a prominent Lebanese intelligence official on Friday and suggested that Israel was to blame.

A senior Israeli official dismissed the suggestion as “beyond pathetic”.

The slain Lebanese official, Brigadier-General Wissam al-Hassan, was close to several Lebanese politicians who back the uprising in Syria and led several investigations into Syrian meddling in Lebanese affairs, including one that implicated Damascus and its Lebanese ally Hezbollah in the assassination of former prime minister Rafik al-Hariri in 2005.

Iran is Syria’s most powerful regional ally.

“This action was taken with the aim of sowing dissension among different currents and segments of the Lebanese people and was conducted by an element who has never had in mind the interests of the Lebanese people and government and who only strives for its own impure interests and goals,” said a statement posted on the Iranian Foreign Ministry’s website.

“Without a doubt the main enemy of the people of Lebanon and the region is the Zionist regime (Israel), which benefits from insecurity and instability in the region,” ministry spokesman Ramin Mehmanparast said, according to the statement.

It offered no evidence for the suggestion of Israeli involvement.

Asked about Mehmanparast’s remarks, Israeli Foreign Ministry spokesman Yigal Palmor said: “After the Iranian regime accused Israel of even the bad weather conditions prevailing in Iran, is there anything at all that they would not automatically blame on Israel? This is beyond pathetic. It’s pathological.” The Syrian government and Hezbollah condemned the bombing.

Lebanese Prime Minister Najib Mikati, whose government includes ministers from Hezbollah, said his government was trying to identify the perpetrators and they would be punished.

Iran’s Mehmanparast was quoted as calling for Lebanese national unity in the aftermath of the attack.

Hariri’s son, Saad al-Hariri, accused Assad of being behind the bombing while March 14, a anti-Assad Lebanese political bloc, called Hassan “one of the martyrs of the independence uprising (against Syria)”, adding that it was “a crime signed by Bashar Assad’s regime, his regional allies and local tools”.

The March 14 bloc called on Mikati’s government to resign.

Speaking shortly after the bombing, Lebanese Foreign Minister Adnan Mansour told Reuters that his Iranian counterpart Ali Akbar Salehi had condemned the bombing and planned to visit Beirut on Saturday.

Iran has been a stalwart ally of Assad as he fights a 19-month-old uprising, counting his government and Hezbollah as part of an “axis of resistance” against Western and Israeli influence in the region.

Lebanon’s religious communities are divided between those supporting Assad and those backing the Syrian rebels, leaving it vulnerable to spillover from the Syrian bloodshed.

The Last Day

October 19, 2012

The Last Day – YouTube.

( What could be, but what WON’T be. –  JW )


Thanks to: gavinthornbury

Obama to Israel: Iran is piling up fissile material for 4-6 bombs – in Natanz too

October 19, 2012

Obama to Israel: Iran is piling up fissile material for 4-6 bombs – in Natanz too.

DEBKAfile Exclusive Report October 19, 2012, 2:19 PM (GMT+02:00)

 

An extra 6,000 centrifuges for Natanz enrichment plant

President Barack Obama this week clued Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu in on the latest US intelligence input confirming that Iran will have enough enriched uranium for 4-6 bombs by March 2013, debkafile reports from its Washington and intelligence sources. 

His update, which took place in the framework of quiet US-Israeli intelligence-sharing on the state of Iran’s nuclear program, was Obama’s first acknowledgment that sanctions and diplomatic pressure are not having any effect on that program.
It is now clear to his administration that Iran’s leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei will press on toward a nuclear weapon capacity at any price – even if faced with a military threat. No pause is to be expected in Iran’s drive to accumulate enough enriched uranium to fuel a nuclear bomb arsenal, while advancing at the same time along a second track toward a plutonium bomb.
This updated US intelligence included three more data:
1.  Most of the enriched uranium for the 4-6 nuclear bombs is scattered in 20-percent grade form among different caches.  When vice-presidential candidate Paul Ryan revealed Iran’s possession of enough fissile material for five nuclear bombs during his debate with VP Joe Biden on Oct. 10, Biden waved the revelation away with contempt.
It is now confirmed by his boss, the president.
2.  After completing the transfer of advanced centrifuges to the fortified underground site at Fordo, Iran is now ready to expand uranium enrichment at Natanz by doubling the number of centrifuges working there to 6,000. The new annex to house them, on which building began in March 2011, is almost finished.

3.  The technological infrastructure for the rapid conversion of 20-percent enriched uranium to the 90-percent weapons grade is now in place. It is estimated in Washington that no more than two to three weeks will elapse between a Khamenei order for the conversion to begin, to the production of enough weapons-grade material for Iran to build its first nuclear bombs.
The US intelligence experts keeping track of Iran’s program are sure they will know when that order is given.
Notwithstanding all the facts and figures from his own intelligence experts on the imminence of a nuclear Iran, President Obama is still leaning hard on Netanyahu to hold off a preemptive strike until after the Nov. 6 presidential election. He promises that, shortly after the vote, if he is reelected, he will put before Tehran the endgame document prepared by a White House team in the form of an ultimatum with a deadline for response.
But Obama is still not saying how he will respond to an Iranian rejection of the document’s main points, or whether he will again agree to return to the negotiating table while Iran is allowed to forge ahead on its bomb program. This had been the standard diplomatic format under his watch.

debkafile’s Washington sources disclose that a large group of former high-placed US diplomats, ex-officials and elder statesmen – Democrats and Republicans alike – has come forward to warn the Israeli prime minister to give up any expectation, ever, of Barack Obama’s cooperation on the Iranian nuclear issue. These former top Washingtonians all harbor strong reservations about the president’s foreign policy, especially on Iran.
Some have called Netanyahu in person and warned him that the White House instituted an intelligence-sharing dialogue with Israel only as a device for delaying an Israeli attack on Iran. If reelected, they say, he will weasel out of his repeated pledges to prevent Iran attaining a nuclear weapon and certainly not countenance preventive military action by Israel.
This is no secret to Tehran. Counting on Obama maintaining this posture and Israel’s compliance, the Iranians are certain they can go full speed ahead toward their nuclear goal without fear of interference.
Our sources also disclose that three questions on Iran will be put to the president and his Republican challenger Mitt Romney in their third and last debate at Lynn University in Boca Raton, Florida, Monday, Oct. 22.

IDF tank battalion practices racing to war

October 19, 2012

IDF tank battalion practices racing to war – JPost – Defense.

 

10/19/2012 03:15
In surprise call-up, IDF soldiers simulate the enemy, acting as terrorists with shoulder-fired anti-tank missiles.

BATTALION 9 TANKS hold a war drill

Photo: IDF Spokesman

An IDF tank battalion stationed in the Jordan Valley held a major drill this week to practice racing to a war front during a simulated outbreak of hostilities. The drill involved reserve army companies for the first time.

The reserves joined conscripted solders on the field in an exercise not held by the battalion in a long time on such a large scale.

“We understand we will be among the first forces that respond at a war front. That’s why we’re preparing,” Col. Yohai Benhur, commander of Battalion 9, part of the IDF’s Armored Corps 401 Brigade, told The Jerusalem Post on Thursday. During the drill, held at the large Nabi Musa base near the Dead Sea, Merkava 4 tanks fitted with the Wind Jacket anti-rocket shield fired live ammunition.

IDF soldiers played the enemy, and moved around the ‘battlefield’ as guerrilla forces armed with shoulder-held antitank missiles.

“It was a surprise mobilization. Soldiers found themselves at Nabi Musa on Tuesday night, and by Wednesday morning, the ‘fighting’ had begun,” Benhur said.

“Intensive fighting in hilly country was simulated,” he added.

In addition to tank fire, artillery and infantry units joined the drill to see how quickly they could link up with the tanks.

“All the forces that the battalion would need to fight a war were involved,” Benhur added.

“This has increased the battalion’s readiness in a very good way. Even before this we were ready, but today, our readiness is at the maximum level,” he said.

Though stationed in the Jordan Valley area, Battalion 9 could find itself on a southern or northern battle front within hours in the event of an escalation.

The ‘Third Track’: US Military Moves in Persian Gulf

October 18, 2012

The ‘Third Track’: US Military Moves in Persian Gulf / ISN.

the US aircraft carrier Nimitz together with supporting vessels

US aircraft carrier ‘Nimitz’

The United States continues to pursue a ‘dual track’ strategy in order to thwart Iran’s nuclear program. Although it has increased its military presence in the Persian Gulf, the build-up has failed to ease regional tensions or prevent continued demands for a more robust Israeli response, or so argues Sam Rajiv.

By S Samuel C Rajiv for ISN Security Watch

Iran and the US ‘Dual-Track’ Approach

Obama administration officials have been highlighting the ‘dual-track’ approach that currently guides the United States’ policies towards Iran. According to Secretary of State Hilary Clinton, ‘dual track’ entails ‘applying pressure in pursuit of constructive engagement, and a negotiated solution’. To date, ‘pressure’ has come in the shape of multilateral UN Security Council (UNSC) imposed sanctions as well as increasingly tougher unilateral non-proliferation and economic measures. These measures target Iran’s ability to source materials for its alleged nuclear weapons program like solid propellants. They have also sought to compromise Tehran’s ability to fund related activities via revenues generated through its energy sector.

The United States (and the European Union (EU)) claim that Iran’s return to the negotiating table with the P5+1 group of countries in April 2012 after a gap of 15 months is proof of the success of their ‘dual-track’ approach. However, the reengagement has yet to translate into a ‘negotiated solution’, the ideal end-state that ‘dual track’ envisions.

Strengthening the ‘Third Track’

While pursuing this ‘dual-track’ strategy, the Obama administration, like its predecessor, has insisted that ‘no options were off the table’. Throughout 2012, senior US officials have continued to insist that ‘there is still time and space’ for diplomacy to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons. In support, Obama has sent a steady stream of senior US officials to Israel urging the Netanyahu government to allow sanctions to achieve their objectives. In March, Obama also urged Israel to look beyond the military option to deal with Iran’s nuclear program by claiming that there had been ‘too much loose talk of war’.

Accordingly, ‘dual track’ is regarded in US policy circles as a flexible strategy that could be adapted to counter Iran’s nuclear intransigence and brinkmanship. Moreover, the strategy is complemented by reports and recommendations such as those made by the Bipartisan Policy Center. This organization has urged the Obama administration to not only pursue the dual-track approach but also make ‘visible, credible preparations for a military option’, in case the two tracks failed.

Indeed, since January 2012, there has been a greater sense of urgency by the Obama administration to strengthen elements of the ‘third track’. Despite continued efforts to prevent Israel from pursuing the military option, the United States has also taken significant steps to prevent possible Iranian brinkmanship. These have included threats to close the all-important energy transportation routes of the Straits of Hormuz and threats to retaliate against attacks to American assets and interests in the Middle East region. The threat to retaliate is also extended to attacks made on Washington’s allies.

However, Washington’s primary response has been to strengthen its military profile in the Persian Gulf. Since January 2012, the waters in and around Persian Gulf have played host to five US nuclear-powered aircraft carrier strike groups. These have included the USS Carl Vinson, Abraham Lincoln, Enterprise, Eisenhower, and the John Stennis. At least two of these strike groups (Stennis and Eisenhower as of September 2012) have been ‘on-station’ in the Fifth Fleet area of operations (AOR), which is based in Manama, Bahrain. For its part, the Pentagon has insisted that such force deployments were not related to Iran, but were instead ‘prudent force posture requirements set by the combatant commander’.

The formidable assets that these two aircraft carrier strike groups bring to the table include more than 100 F-18 Hornet and Super Hornet fighter jets, destroyers, surveillance aircraft, nuclear-powered attack submarines, missile cruisers, logistics ships and other vessels. Reports also note that the United States has deployed unspecified numbers of advanced F-22 Raptors and F-15C fighter jets at Al Udeid and Al Dhafra in Abu Dhabi and Qatar respectively. Mine counter measure (MCM) ships (8 currently), coastal patrol vessels (5 currently, to double by 2013), amphibious troop carrying platforms and innovative assets like underwater robots have also been deployed by the United States near Iranian waters.

Apart from the abovementioned force deployments, United States has also carried out a wide-range of military exercises with its allies in the region, including on land (in Jordan) and at sea. Joint US-Israeli missile defense exercises are also slated to be held in October. A third X-band radar site (apart from two such sites in Israel and Turkey) is being built in Qatar and the United States has maintained a BMD-capable ship presence in the waters of the Mediterranean Sea as well since March 2011.

Enhanced US Military Profile: Responses and Consequences

In the face of Washington’s increasing presence in the Persian Gulf and tightening of economic sanctions, Iranian officials have issued increasingly belligerent threats to not only close the Straits of Hormuz but also retaliate against Israel and American interests in the region. To back up such claims, the Iranians have recently highlighted their ability to counter specific military tactics. During the ‘Great Prophet-VII’ exercises conducted in July 2012, for example, Iran demonstrated ‘high firing density’ missile maneuvers aimed at penetrating US missile defense systems. These relate to its demonstrated ability to fire multiple missiles from different directions at a single target. Iran has continued to advertise its expertise in short- and medium-range missiles, specifically cruise missiles like the radar-evading 200-km range Ghader and short-range surface-to-air missiles like the Mehrab. Iran may also even indulge in ‘swarming’ tactics through its fleet of fast attack boats.

Yet, despite the mounting challenge posed by Iran’s armed forces to the security of the Persian Gulf, the United States’ decision to increase its naval presence within the region has not been without its fair share of controversy. In Bahrain, for example, there have been a number of debates regarding the presence of US forces on the island. The debates come two years after Washington’s decision to expand its naval facilities at Manama by 2015 in response to the likely difficulties in developing equivalent facilities in nearby ports.

There have also been the first civilian casualties of the United States’ increased military presence in the Persian Gulf. In July, an Indian mariner was killed and three others were injured after the USS Rappahannock fired on a vessel that ignored ‘a series of non-lethal pre-planned responses’ aimed at guiding the ship away from the fleet replenishment craft. The incident, which occurred near the port of Jebel Ali, Dubai, served to underscore the state of anxiety that currently grips the Persian Gulf region.

Looking Ahead

While the United States’ increased presence has largely been driven by the need to counter and/or contain possible Iranian brinkmanship, at another level, it has showcased Washington’s efforts to assure Israel that its Iranian strategy is also committed to the ‘third track’ approach. However, the Obama administration’s commitment to its key Middle East ally has done little to reduce the domestic clamor for a more robust response from Israel against Iran’s nuclear program. Meanwhile, Tehran’s engagement with the international community over its nuclear program remains locked in stalemate. As a result, the Persian Gulf seems to be entering even choppier waters, which does not bode well for regional security and stability.