Archive for September 4, 2012

Answers to All Your Questions About Iran, Israel, Bibi and Obama! – Jeffrey Goldberg – The Atlantic

September 4, 2012

Answers to All Your Questions About Iran, Israel, Bibi and Obama! – Jeffrey Goldberg – The Atlantic.

Question: So, is Israel going to attack Iran’s nuclear facilities before the presidential election on November 6?

Answer: Maybe. But probably not. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Defense Minister Ehud Barak would have ordered a strike already if not for the determined opposition of President Obama. That opposition is undiminished. And Netanyahu and Barak may now be thinking that holding off — agreeing to Obama’s wishes, in other words — may buy them some favor with the President, should he be reelected.This runs counter to an earlier belief, that an Israeli attack before the election would put Obama in a box, that he would have to support Israel for fear of alienating its supporters in America.

Question: Was Joint Chiefs Chairman Gen. Martin Dempsey straying from the Administration script when he said last week he doesn’t want to appear to be “complicit” in an Israeli attack on Iran?

Answer: The U.S. military has a very difficult job in the Persian Gulf. It must be ready for any sort of Iranian provocation (including attempts to shut down the Strait of Hormuz) but it does not want to appear overly aggressive to the Iranians, for fear of provoking them unnecessarily. Until the commander-in-chief orders the military to take offensive action against Iran, this is going to be the posture, a combination of vigilance and non-aggressiveness. Therefore, it is not unnatural that the chairman of the Joint Chiefs would want to signal that, if Israel takes action in the very near future, it won’t be with the assistance of the U.S.

I do think the use of the word “complicit,” with its sinister air, was not the word the White House would want to see used, in part because it made the Israelis unnecessarily nervous, and therefore, in one interpretation, more likely to strike. Martin Indyk, of the Brookings Institution, and formerly the American ambassador to Israel, agrees with this. He wrote in an e-mail, “I don’t think Dempsey was scripted. The White House would never have agreed to his use of the word ‘complicit.’ (Indyk also argued that Netanyahu is “not going against the will of the President if only because the day after he pulls the trigger he’s going to be calling Obama to help manage the aftermath. And by backing down he incurs an obligation from Obama even if he doesn’t get the ‘red line’ declaration he is hoping for.”)

Question: The Administration just placed a story in The New York Times suggesting that Obama understands Netanyahu’s anxiety and so is ramping-up sanctions enforcement, and is considering issuing red lines Iran shouldn’t dare cross. Does this signal a victory for Netanyahu?

Answer: A provisional victory, yes. This story came about in part because of Dempsey’s off-script comments. And in part because Netanyahu apparently raised his voice at the American ambassador to Israel, Dan Shapiro, in a meeting last week, accusing Obama of lacking urgency and clarity on the matter.

But these new promises from the Obama Administration would have come about anyway, maybe by the time Obama and Netanyahu meet in New York at the United Nations General Assembly.  No one in the world has done more to focus attention on the dangers of Iran’s nuclear program than Netanyahu, and I’ve met many people in the American government who are privately thankful he pushed the international community to its (relatively) strong position. As Nicholas Burns, the former undersecretary of state, told me recently, “Netanyahu has made the threat of force credible and that’s not a bad thing for us. We don’t want to the Iranians to think we’re paper tigers, and Netanyahu has played a useful role in this.” (It’s worth noting no current American official, or Burns, wants to see an Israeli strike anytime in the near future.)

Some people, including Haaretz’s Amos Harel, believe that Netanyahu has overplayed his hand. It doesn’t seem that way to me. It’s important to stress, however, that unless and until the White House formulates actual red lines, Netanyahu will not sleep easily. And some of the items discussed in The Times’ article aren’t actually designed to make the Israelis think that the Americans are toughening-up. For instance, the installation of new radar systems in Qatar, as promised by the White House, could be seen as having more to do with containing Iran than stopping its nuclear program (and Obama is on record, of course, ruling out containment).

Question: Are you saying it is only Netanyahu who is keeping this issue on Obama’s foreign policy agenda?

Answer: Oh, come on, you know me better than that. I believe that Obama would use force to keep Iran from gaining a nuclear device. I think he’s made that abundantly clear. And I think he’s made it clear that he believes, as he told me, that a nuclear Iran would represent a profound national security threat to the United States.

Question: According to the International Atomic Energy Agency, Iran is moving more and more centrifuges to the underground, and highly fortified, Fordow site. Didn’t Ehud Barak mean exactly  this when he said that Iran is entering a “zone of immunity,” which is to say, the point at which Israeli bombs couldn’t reach the centrifuges anymore?

Answer: Yes.

Question: So?

Answer: The only thing more important to Ehud Barak (apart from Ehud Barak) than shutting down the Fordow facility is keeping Israel (and himself) on the right side of the American president, and the American people. More than Netanyahu, he is worried about the fallout from an Israeli attack, specifically, attacks directed by Iran against American troops and installations. Though Barak also believes that Iran would most likely make the calculation that it can’t afford to strike at America in the wake of an Israeli attack, because the U.S., unlike Israel, has sufficient military power to threaten the security of the regime. Barak is probably correct in this analysis, but it’s not a sure thing.

Question: Are you saying that Barak is more cautious than Netanyahu?

No, not necessarily. Contrary to the opinion of some people in Israel, neither man is crazy. They understand the consequences of launching, and of not launching. Barak has a better understanding of the tactical and strategic consequences of launching an attack (and the consequences of not launching an attack) and Netanyahu is gripped by the historical consequences of a nuclear Iran. But Netanyahu also has political considerations restraining him. Indyk: “Bibi is facing his own election, probably early next year, and he cannot know what the Israeli public reaction will be to the potential for 500 civilian casualties, capital flight, Tel Aviv under rocket attack, Ben Gurion closed down, etc.  He is not a gambler with his own political fate.”

Question:  If the Israelis don’t attack before November 6, will they ever attack?

Answer:  Maybe, or maybe not. The Atlantic War Dial, which reflects the thinking of 22 experts on the issue (including yours truly), puts the chance of an Israeli, or American, attack in the next year at 40 percent. I’ve been going back and forth on Twitter with Laura Rozen, who argues that if the Israelis were to do this, they would have to do it immediately after November 6, because weather conditions wouldn’t permit a surprise attack (yes, I know, this is the most discussed surprise attack in history) in the winter months. What is true is that we don’t know more than we know — we don’t even know if Ehud Barak secretly believes that it is too late for an Israeli preventive strike, given developments at Fordow.

Question: How bad would it actually be if Iran got a nuclear weapon?

Answer: Very bad. It would be very bad for the United States and its Arab allies (see this post for President Obama’s statements on why this is so) and it would be exceedingly bad for Israel. The Iranian leadership has expressed openly its genocidal intentions toward Israel, and is developing the means through which it could carry out such a genocide. (I write about the need to take genocidal threats seriously in this Bloomberg View column.) Given the history of genocidal threats against Jews (a distressing number of which have actually led to attempts at extermination), it is better to err on the side of caution, and assume that the Iranian leadership means what it says when it says it would like to rid the world of Israel.

Analysis – Chastised Israel seeks way forward with U.S. over Iran | Reuters

September 4, 2012

Analysis – Chastised Israel seeks way forward with U.S. over Iran | Reuters.

 

Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu attends the weekly cabinet meeting in Jerusalem August 26, 2012. REUTERS/Uriel Sinai/Pool

 

JERUSALEM | Tue Sep 4, 2012 4:33pm BST

(Reuters) – Stunned by a rebuke from the United States’ top general, Israel is preparing a climb-down strategy in its war of words over Iran‘s nuclear programme, aware that its room for manoeuvre is shrinking rapidly.

Anxious to prevent any flare-up in the Middle East ahead of November elections, there is also a good chance that U.S. President Barack Obama will provide Israel with enough cover to avoid a loss of face, analysts say.

A burst of bellicose rhetoric over the last month led Western allies to fear that Israel was poised to launch a unilateral strike against Iran in an effort to hobble the Islamic Republic’s contested nuclear facilities.

Convinced Iran is seeking the atomic bomb, Israeli leaders have warned of a possible Holocaust if Tehran is not stopped; but the sabre-rattling clearly riled Washington, while failing to rally domestic public opinion behind a perilous war.

In a move that dismayed Israeli ministers, U.S. Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, General Martin Dempsey, told reporters in Britain last week that the United States did not want to be “complicit” in an Israeli attack on Iran.

He also warned that go-it-alone military action risked unravelling an international coalition that has applied progressively stiff sanctions on Iran, which insists that its ambitious nuclear project is purely peaceful.

Dempsey’s stark comments made clear to the world that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was isolated and that if he opted for war, he would jeopardise all-important ties with the Jewish state’s closest ally.

“Israeli leaders cannot do anything in the face of a very explicit ‘no’ from the U.S. president. So they are exploring what space they have left to operate,” said Giora Eiland, who served as national security adviser from 2003 to 2006.

“Dempsey’s announcement changed something. Before, Netanyahu said the United States might not like (an attack), but they will accept it the day after. However, such a public, bold statement meant the situation had to be reassessed.”

SEEKING CLARITY

Pointing to a possible way out, Netanyahu has since said that more explicit international warnings could prevent war, indicating he wanted the United States to provide Tehran with unambiguous options to halt its nuclear activity or face war.

“The greater the resolve and the clearer the red line, the less likely we’ll have conflict,” he said on Monday.

Positions are likely to be clarified at an expected meeting late this month between U.S. President Barack Obama and Netanyahu when the Israeli leader addresses the U.N. General Assembly in New York.

“That will be a crucial encounter. They will have to reach an understanding there. At the end of the day, you do reach an understanding, always,” said Eiland, who had numerous dealings with Washington during his time as national security adviser.

There are already signs that Obama is prepared to raise the pressure on Iran.

On Monday, his Democratic Party released its election platform, saying the window for diplomacy would not remain open “indefinitely” and explicitly raised the threat of “military force” if Iran did not “live up to its obligations”.

The programme appeared to be more toughly worded than public declarations from Obama, but it is not politically binding. An official within the prime minister’s office said Israel wanted to hear cast iron commitments from Obama’s own mouth.

“We want to hear a concrete declaration from the president, not vague promises that he will guarantee Israeli security,” the official said, declining to be named.

The official noted the tough stance the Americans took in 2011, warning they would not tolerate any move by Iran to carry through with a threat to close the Strait of Hormuz, and hoped to see similar clarity applied to the nuclear programme.

MUTUAL WARNINGS

Netanyahu met the heads of Israel’s intelligence community on Tuesday for an annual briefing to the security cabinet, where they were expected to present their latest assessments on Iran and the situation in southern Lebanon, amongst other things.

The leader of Lebanon’s Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah said on Monday Iran could hit U.S. bases in the Middle East in response to any Israeli attack on its nuclear sites.

“A decision has been taken to respond and the response will be very great,” Hezbollah Secretary-General Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah told a local television station, ramping up the rhetoric which has raged through the region this summer.

Israel’s vice prime minister, Moshe Yaalon, issued his own bleak warning to Hezbollah to stay out of any possible conflict.

Talking to 100fm radio on Friday, he said Hezbollah had some 60,000 missiles and rockets, but that Israel had a much bigger arsenal. “Therefore, they need to understand that if they fire rockets and missiles, Hezbollah will pay a heavy price and the state of Lebanon will pay a heavy price until they stop.”

Behind all the bluff and bombast, there is no question that the military in Israel is reviewing all its plans in case of conflict. Three officials told Reuters preparations for a possible, imminent, unilateral strike on Iran were “serious”.

Civilians are also being readied for possible bloodshed, with the military issuing a booklet last week on how to deal with possible emergency, and lines forming at distribution centres across the country for free gas masks.

Despite all the obvious activity, it is hard to shake off a sense of scepticism. Although Israel is believed to have the region’s only nuclear arsenal, it lacks the sort of conventional firepower pundits believe is necessary to put a serious dent in Iran’s far-flung, well-defended atomic installations.

“All this talk of war is bullshit. If they could do it, then they would have already done it long ago,” a senior European diplomat in Israel said.

(Additional reporting by Dan Williams and Jeffrey Heller; editing by Ralph Boulton)

In the Iranian poker game, Netanyahu and Barak have overplayed their hand

September 4, 2012

In the Iranian poker game, Netanyahu and Barak have overplayed their hand – Israel News | Haaretz Daily Newspaper.

Israel Hayom, the newspaper seen as having close ties to the PM, has been laying off the war drums lately. Senior Haaretz analyst Amos Harel wonders: Does this indicate that Netanyahu is seeking a ladder to climb down from the tree?

 

By Amos Harel | Sep.04, 2012 | 2:01 PM | 19

 

Ehud Barak and Benjamin Netanyahu.

Defense Minister Ehud Barak and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

Some government officials have recently started poring over Israel Hayom every day. Because the daily is seen as having close ties with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, these officials believe its front-page headlines can offer clues to Netanyahu’s intentions, especially on the crucial issue of whether to attack Iran.

In recent weeks, Israel Hayom has featured a barrage of worrying reports on Iran’s nuclear progress and Washington’s failure to halt it. But over the last few days, something interesting has happened: Last Friday, the paper instead highlighted a statement by Gen. Martin Dempsey, chairman of the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff, that he doesn’t want America to be “complicit” in an Israeli attack on Iran right now. The International Atomic Energy Agency’s disturbing report on Iran’s nuclear program got second billing.

On Sunday, Iran was mostly relegated to the daily’s inside pages. On Monday, it returned to the headlines, but only in the form of Israel Defense Forces Chief of Staff Benny Gantz’s vague statement that the IDF can act “anywhere, anytime.”

In short, the paper that has been beating the war drums for weeks is now muting them. Does this indicate that Netanyahu is seeking a ladder to climb down from the tree?

The number of Israeli statements and leaks about Iran has been so large, and the analyses of what Netanyahu and Defense Minister Ehud Barak really intend so contradictory, that people are grasping at straws in an effort to figure out where things are headed.

Here is a less speculative assessment: In the Iranian poker game, which they are playing primarily against Washington, Netanyahu and Barak raised the stakes a few weeks ago. From Haaretz’s interview with “the decision maker,” aka Barak, to the leaks of classified information regarding the dialogue with the United States, Netanyahu and Barak have been ratcheting up the pressure. But they appear to have overplayed their hand.

The result has been a tougher American stance that has led Israel to calm down a bit, as reflected in recent reports that Barak has changed his mind and now opposes attacking at this time. Thus many officials now believe an attack is not as inevitable as it previously seemed.

Yet the disagreement between Jerusalem and Washington over Iran has become even more fraught, and the issue of American support for Israel has consequently gained prominence in the U.S. presidential campaign. Over the long run, this is liable to be a serious mistake.

In the best case, described as a possibility in a leak Monday to the New York Times, President Barack Obama will publicly set red lines and promise to attack if Iran crosses them. In the worst case, he will make do with vague generalities about Iran – but will certainly remember to settle accounts with Netanyahu if he is reelected. Either way, it’s hard to dismiss the damage the recent outpouring of Israeli verbiage has done to our strategic relationship with America.

The Iranians are almost there. This is how they did it

September 4, 2012

The Iranians are almost there. This is how they did it | The Times of Israel.

Enrichment is accelerating, the warhead is taking shape, a nuclear trigger is deep in development, and the Shahab-3 missile has Israel in range and can detonate in an airburst 600 meters above ground — just like the atomic bombs over Hiroshima and Nagasaki

September 4, 2012, 5:55 pm 0
A military exhibition displays the Shahab-3 missile under a picture of the Iranian supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, in Tehran, in 2008 (photo credit: AP photo/Hasan Sarbakhshian)

Since the last century, Iran has been methodically pursuing the in-house capability of developing a missile-delivered nuclear bomb. The regime of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad is now closer than ever — probably in the latter stages of perfecting an atomic bomb with a multipoint detonation mechanism, compact enough to insert into a Shahab-3 missile nosecone.

For years, the Obama administration, Western governments, the United Nations, and the International Atomic Energy Administration (IAEA) have been fully aware of the specific details of Tehran’s nuclear weapons program, down to the blueprints and names of the engineers. Whether or not Iran will complete the last leg of its decades-long journey toward a deliverable atomic bomb is still unknown. The difference in viewing the cannon is whether you are staring down the muzzle or observing it through a telescope from a perch 6,000 miles away. Israel is peering into the muzzle, hence its assessment is different than Washington’s.

Protracted multilateral negotiations, crippling international sanctions, and even elaborate programs of sabotage have delayed but not derailed the nearly autarkic program. Now the world teeters at the brink of a regional war with profound global ramifications because the threat may have been ignored too long.

Here are the four determining factors, the dynamics of which will govern whether Israel launches a preemptive attack against Tehran’s massive nuclear infrastructure.

Four technological achievements are key to completing Tehran’s nuclear weapon: 1) accretion of enough nuclear materials, highly enriched to 90 percent, to make the bomb; 2) machining that highly-enriched material into metal for a spheroid warhead so it can fit into a missile nosecone for detonation; 3) a trigger mechanism to initiate the atomic explosion at the precise moment of missile reentry; and, of course, 4) a reliable rocket delivery system to carry such a weapon.

Pakistan helped Iran start

In many ways, one of the key precursors to Iran’s nuclear push was India’s May 1974 nuclear bomb test, code-named “Smiling Buddha.” Twenty years in the making, New Delhi claimed its 1974 underground explosion was a “peaceful test.” But rival Pakistan saw it as a clear threat. Pakistan Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto quickly declared that his country would fight back against “nuclear blackmail.” The sleepy Pakistani nuclear program roared into action.

A pivotal decision was to call upon Abdul Qadeer Khan, often referred to as “AQ Khan,” revered as the father of Pakistan’s atomic weaponry. Khan, a Pakistani metallurgist and nuclear engineer, had worked in the nuclear programs of Holland and other Western countries. He was brought home to fast-track the building of Pakistan’s bomb. Quickly, Khan set up uranium-enrichment labs and ballistic-missile operations, mainly in and around the city of Kahuta, in the Rawalpindi district of Pakistan. In 1998, after India’s second nuclear test, Pakistan was ready. Within weeks, Pakistan followed suit, demonstrating it, too, possessed nuclear weapons and could deploy them rapidly.

As Pakistan barged into the nuclear age, Khan spearheaded the proliferation of the technology into other countries. In a 2009 TV interview, Khan admitted that working with Pakistan’s intelligence service, the ISI, his country developed a mutual working relationship with North Korea. After India’s detonation, Pakistan realized it needed missiles. Long the world’s biggest missile and rocket power, North Korea was the logical partner. Khan admitted in his TV interview, “We needed to have long-range missiles to reach the far-flung cities of India and to ensure our deterrence. I discussed the issue with Benazir Bhutto as well. She said … we could cooperate with North Korea.”

Benazir Bhutto, prime minister of Pakistan, visits North Korea in December 1993 and meets with leader Kim Il Sung. (photo credit: Korean Central News Agency/Korea News Service via AP Images)

Khan said Benazir Bhutto visited North Korea, adding, “I [also] had a visit to North Korea to discuss missile technology. Then the North Koreans came to Pakistan and received money from Benazir Bhutto so that we could start the missile program … It was not that costly; I think it was hardly worth $50 million.”

He continued, “I have only been to North Korea twice — in 1994 and 1999. In 1999, General [Pervez] Musharraf sent me along with General Iftikhar [Ali Khan], who was then the chief of the Air Defense Command. We were fighting India at Kargil, and we were in dire need of antiaircraft missiles … We went to North Korea and purchased 200 missiles from them.”

Khan added, “A North Korean team would visit the Kahuta plant during the same period as our missile deal was taking place, and it was no secret … Everyone knew about it. They would stay at a guest house in the vicinity of Kahuta plant.” He continued, “The North Korean engineers would visit our director generals in their departments to observe different operations.”

In that 2009 TV interview, Khan also recalled, “Iran was interested in acquiring nuclear technology. Since Iran was an important Muslim country, we wished Iran to acquire this technology … Iran’s nuclear capability will neutralize Israel’s power. We had advised Iran to contact the suppliers and purchase equipment from them.” Khan identified those initial suppliers as “a company with which we had established links when we could not receive the material from Europe. They were Sri Lankan Muslims.”

Step by step, initially with Pakistan’s assistance, and then as a self-driven engine, Iran embarked on assembling the four key elements needed to wield a nuclear bomb.

The rush to enrich

One foundation of a common atomic bomb design requires a sufficient quantity of uranium enriched to weapons-grade, or 90 percent. If missile-delivered, this material can then be converted into a metal that can be shaped into a dense spheroid — the warhead — small enough to fit into a nosecone. It is all a matter of weights and measures.

A basic method of enriching nuclear material is to whirl it around in centrifuges at a high rate of speed, thus separating out or purifying the desired uranium isotopes. Compare the process to distillation. The enrichment yield can be multiplied by acquiring more and more basic nuclear material, and then subjecting it to ever more cascades of linked centrifuges for longer processing.

Even operating at varying rates of efficiency, fast and slow, the ceaseless, metronomic output of Iranian centrifuges will eventually yield the quantity needed for several bombs. Experts estimate that a single bomb would require approximately 25 kilograms of Highly Enriched Uranium, or HEU, that has been boosted to at least higher concentrations of 90 percent.

Iran is now operating at least 10,000 centrifuges, probably many more, in its slow-motion dash to acquire the vital nuclear weight it requires. The startling number of more than 10,000 centrifuges is about ten times the known arrays Iran admitted to just a few years ago in 2007. Indeed, the country has been adding centrifuges at a dazzling rate — not incrementally but in great leaps of thousands of additional machines at a time. True, some are old-fashioned centrifuges, some wear down after ten years of operation, and some are working inefficiently. But some possess newer technology. Together, efficiently or inefficiently, these thousands of machines are conjointly increasing the stock of basic nuclear material, month by month.

File photo of Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad visiting the uranium enrichment facility at Natanz. (photo credit: AP/Iranian President's office, File)

After years of centrifugal processing, Iran already has accumulated enough low enriched uranium, or LEU, to create five or six bombs — that is, if the LEU material would be boosted to weapons-grade, or 90 percent. With each passing day, that LEU stock expands in volume and potency. Much of Iran’s nuclear enrichment remains at 3.5 percent level. But Iran has admitted and inspectors have verified that the country has already reached the 20 percent threshold (actually 19.75 percent), producing by now about 300 kilograms — enough to move to the next steps of weapons-grade. Those steps must first enrich to the next level, say the 60 percent level, and from there to 90 percent, which is bomb quality.

Enriching to 3.5 percent is 75 percent of the task of reaching weapons-grade. Once Iran has reached 20 percent, it gone 90 percent of the distance to making weapons-grade uranium. In other words, once the process has been mastered to 20 percent, it is only a matter of time before 90 percent bomb-quality HEU can be created. Depending upon the number of cascades and centrifuges acting in concert, Iran could amass some 25 kilograms of bomb-ready 90 percent HEU in six months to a year. Within a year, at its current rate of exponential growth, Iran could have enough HEU to arm several bombs.

To fortify its unstoppable enrichment process, Tehran has constructed numerous redundant facilities, some underground, perhaps some operating in secret outside the sightlines of IAEA monitors. Some are in hospitals. Iran agreed to permit IAEA inspectors when, in 1974, it signed the “Safeguards Agreement.” The Safeguards Agreement is an adjunct to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty that Tehran adopted in 1968 when it took its first baby steps toward the “Nuclear Club.”

Each Iranian enrichment facility — known or unknown — is crammed with those iconic cascades of tall and shiny aluminum centrifuges. Each cascade is comprised of dozens of centrifuges like long hands with many fingers. The march is almost unstoppable. If one cascade goes down, if a complete multi-cascade “production hall” stops operating, indeed if an entire plant is destroyed, others elsewhere in Iran will pick up the pace. Hour by hour, day by day, those centrifuges incrementally crank out the nuclear material needed to create the kilograms of HEU needed for a bomb. Despite international sanctions and global pressure, the centrifuges spin nonstop. The centrifugal forces have only accelerated. The clock is ticking.

But the lethality of Iran’s weapons program cannot be assessed merely by measuring the size and enrichment level of its nuclear material. That is one measure — but only one — of four indispensable measurements. All the gunpowder in the world will not make a bullet. It must be manufactured. That bullet needs a rifle before it can be shot. Finally, it needs a marksman in position.

The next step requires Iran’s growing stock of enriched uranium to be shaped into a weaponized spheroid object — the warhead. That process has been underway for many years.

Spherodization of uranium metal into a warhead

For the past 15 years, Iran has been on a quest to master the machining and engineering skills needed to transform Highly Enriched Uranium into a spheroidal or hemispherical mass that could be loaded into a missile cone to constitute the warhead.

Tehran long ago acknowledged to the IAEA that it indeed established “contacts with intermediaries of a clandestine nuclear-supply network in 1987 and the early 1990s, and that, in 1987, it had received … a 15-page document (hereafter referred to as the ‘uranium metal document’), which outlines the conversion of uranium fluoride compounds into uranium metal and the production of hemispherical enriched uranium metallic components.”

The campaign to build and detonate a nuclear spheroid payload has been years in the making. Iranian scientists who contacted Khan and his circles were particularly eager to learn more about “neutron cross-section calculations … and shock-wave interactions with metals,” according to a November 8, 2011 IAEA report compiled by the agency’s director general to its Board of Governors. Later, Iranian scientists sought “complex calculations relating to the state of criticality of a solid sphere of uranium being compressed by high explosives,” that same IAEA report attributes to a Member State. Such calculations are essential to test the potency of any spheroid warhead Iran would load into a missile nosecone. The IAEA admits it has known about this aspect of the Iranian weaponization effort since 2005.

As early as 2003, Iran undertook, “to initiate a high-explosive charge in the form of a hemispherical shell,” as detailed in a November 2011 IAEA report that features a special extended Annex labeled “Possible Military Dimensions to Iran’s Nuclear Program.” The Annex, published by the IAEA, laid out the details obtained through its Member States.

“During that experiment,” the Annex explained, “the internal hemispherical curved surface of the high-explosive charge was monitored using a large number of optical-fiber cables, and the light output of the explosive upon detonation was recorded with a high-speed streak camera. It should be noted that the dimensions of the initiation system and the explosives used with it were consistent with the dimensions for the new payload, which … were given to the engineers who were studying how to integrate the new payload into the chamber of the Shahab-3 missile reentry vehicle.” Then, in 2005, the IAEA’s November 2011 military annex asserts, Iran sought the expertise to assemble “the complex calculations relating to the state of criticality of a solid sphere of uranium being compressed by high explosives.”

To better perfect the weaponization of a HEU spheroid warhead, Iran must test and measure the metal ball’s reaction to those high explosives. These studies are known as hydrodynamics because they measure when material is so massively compressed and heated that it begins to flow and function like a fluid. This brings into play an understanding of fluid dynamics.

The IAEA’s November 2011 military annex makes clear that “throughout the entire timeline,” inspectors have documented Iran’s acquisition of items that “would be useful in the development of a nuclear explosive device.” The Annex enumerates with extreme specificity that these items include “high-speed electronic switches and spark gaps (useful for triggering and firing detonators); high-speed cameras (useful in experimental diagnostics); neutron sources (useful for calibrating neutron-measuring equipment); radiation detection and measuring equipment (useful in a nuclear-material production environment); and training courses on topics relevant to nuclear-explosives development (such as neutron cross-section calculations and shock-wave interactions/hydrodynamics).”

Indeed, that November 2011 Annex devotes an entire section, Section C.7., entitled “Hydrodynamic Experiments,” to detailing the steps Iran has taken to test the detonation of spheroidal metals. The section states that “Iran has manufactured simulated nuclear-explosive components using high-density materials such as tungsten.” It also speaks of databanks of modeling and calculations “to monitor the symmetry of the compressive shock of the simulated core of a nuclear device.”

Most alarming, states the Annex, is the discovery of a unique “large-explosives containment vessel in which to conduct hydrodynamic experiments.” The vessel has been in the Parchin complex for over a decade, according to the IAEA report. So well authenticated is this massive cylindrical containment vessel, with its characteristic external piping to siphon off and register explosive results, that the Associated Press felt sure enough to syndicate a sketch of the chamber. The AP sketch of the explosion testing chamber with its distinctive yellow piping was published worldwide earlier this year.

An undated rendering said to come from inside Iran's Parchin military site. (photo credit: AP)

The IAEA military annex concludes, “Hydrodynamic experiments such as those described above, which involve high explosives in conjunction with nuclear material or nuclear-material surrogates, are strong indicators of possible weapon development.”

How far along the path of perfecting the metallurgy, spheroidization, and the control of that spheroid under intense detonation is unknown. But the real question is can a warhead be detonated?

Nuclear warhead detonation

A super-precise, multipoint detonating trigger would be needed to initiate the atomic chain reaction that will produce the bomb with its mushroom cloud. The deadly spheroid cannot just be match-lit with a fuse or beat with a hammer. Such a device must be detonated with a super-sophisticated nuclear trigger engineered with the extraordinary precision and synchrony requisite to initiate the implosion.

The nuclear trigger now in the latter stages of development in Iran is the R265 system. Specifically, the R265 employs a multipoint shock generator that causes a simultaneous implosion from all sides surrounding the spheroidal weaponized material, according to the IAEA intelligence distributed to all Western governments. It must be compact. The Shahab-3 tri-conic nosecone features a diameter of 600 millimeters, according to missile weapons experts. The outer radius of the R265 system offers a “diameter of 550 millimeters, less than the estimated diameter of about 600 millimeters available inside the payload chamber of a Shahab-3,” according to a recent report by the nuclear experts at the Institute for Science and International Security (ISIS), nuclear armament experts who have access to IAEA reports and monitor all developments in Iran’s nuclear program.

The hemispherical aluminum of the R265 shell that will host the implosion sequence is 265 millimeter thick, leaving a 10 millimeter distance for the sequence. According to a November 2011 ISIS report released in tandem to the IAEA military annex, the design appears simple, even if making it work with microsecond synchrony is a prodigious task of engineering. “Outer channels are cut into the outer surface of the shell,” explains the ISIS report, “each channel one by one millimeter.” The report adds, “Each channel terminates in a cylindrical hole, 5 mm in diameter, that is drilled though the shell and contains an explosive pellet.” The explosive pellets, the November 2011 ISIS report continues, will be made of PETN. The powerful explosive PETN is the one many terrorists have chosen.

“The geometrical pattern formed by channels and holes is arranged in quadrants on the outer hemispheric surface, which allows a single central point of initiation and the simultaneous detonation of explosives in all the holes on the hemisphere,” according to the November 2011 ISIS report. That outer detonation constitutes merely stage one.

The simultaneous initiation of a high explosive in the outer hemisphere impacts a second interior device known as “exploding bridgewire” (EBW). The timing will not be measured in seconds, or even milliseconds—which are one-thousandths of a second—but in microseconds. A microsecond is one-millionth of a second.

As far back as May 2008, an IAEA report stated, “Iran acknowledged that it had conducted simultaneous testing with two to three EBW detonators with a time precision of about one microsecond.” Indeed, the IAEA confirmed that such testing of EBW detonators has been underway at least since February 2004 and probably since 2003 utilizing “as many as 500 EBW detonators.” ISIS states, “Iran would need only two EBWs to initiate a nuclear explosion.”

In a February 2008 weaponization briefing obtained ISIS, the IAEA described some Iranian research graphics it had discovered. “Several sketches for a missile head integrating the chamber described above were shown,” the IAEA briefing notes detail, “indicating the electronic mechanism and the spherical warhead. They do not, however, give an explicit indication that it’s a nuclear weapon. The following stages of the project are mentioned in the slides: configuration of the structure, design of material, connections, tightness of chamber seal, test of design, [and] tolerance of surface states. Mathematical simulations appear to have been done to define the centers of mass, the equilibrium of the charges, the whole coinciding with the parameters for a Shahab-3 warhead.”

Some of the EBW testing was done in what a 2008 IAEA briefing describes as “a 400m deep shaft located 10 km from a firing control point,” which “shows the placement of various electronic systems such as a control unit and a high-voltage power generator.”

With the R265 and EBWs operational, Tehran’s device would require the final ingredient to make it a working nuclear bomb: the neutron initiator. Iran has it.

IAEA inspectors have identified the foreign expert who gave Iran the expertise to operate at split-microsecond speed. His name is Vycheslav V. Danilenko, a Ukrainian engineer employed for three decades in the Soviet Union’s nuclear-weapon complex at Chelyabinsk-70. In the early 1960s, Danilenko worked as “a member of the gas dynamics group” says an ISIS summary of IAEA documents. His specialty was precision photography and measurement of high-explosive detonation and shock compression. The high-explosive by-products were nanodiamonds, also known as UDD (ultra-dispersed diamonds).

The ISIS summary states that after falling on hard economic times in the early 1990s, Danilenko “contacted the Iranian embassy in mid-1995, offering his expertise on UDD. At the end of the year, he was contacted by Dr. Seyed Abbas Shahmoradi,” a top controller at the Iran’s nuclear establishment. Ultimately, says the ISIS summary, “Danilenko signed a contract with Shahmoradi.” ISIS adds, “The IAEA has reviewed publications by Danilenko and has met with him. It has been able to verify through three separate sources, including the expert himself, that he was in Iran during that time.”

In December 2009, ISIS published a further report on Iran’s nuclear-weapon progress that described the vital role of the neutron initiator in activating the chain reaction that makes the warhead explode as a nuclear bomb. That report describes, “a neutron initiator made out of uranium deuteride (UD3), which, when finished (and subsequently manufactured), would most likely be placed at the center of a fission bomb made from weapons-grade uranium. This type of initiator works by the high explosives compressing the nuclear core and [then] the initiator producing a spurt of neutrons as a result of fusion … The neutrons flood the core of weapons-grade uranium and initiate the chain reaction.”

The December 2009 ISIS report indicates work on a neutron initiator might have occurred even before 2003, adding, “Although Iran might claim that this work is for civil purposes, it has no civil application.” That ISIS report also makes clear that getting the neutron initiator operable “would be the hardest measurement Iran would need to make in developing a nuclear weapon … The timing of the explosion and resulting shock waves would need to be perfect in order to get enough fusion to create a spurt of neutrons in a reliable manner at exactly the right instant.” The report adds, “This approach was followed by Pakistan in the early 1980s.”

Indeed, a Pakistani neutron initiator can be seen at on the cover of the book, Dr. A. Q. Khan on Science and Education. The book shows AQ Khan standing in front of a green chalkboard with his design for a multipoint nuclear-bomb trigger featuring a neutron initiator distinctly labeled in the middle of the warhead.

The book, Dr. A. Q. Khan on Science and Education, shows Khan standing in front of a green chalkboard with his design for a multipoint nuclear-bomb trigger featuring a neutron initiator distinctly labeled in the middle of the warhead. (photo credit: Courtesy)

With 25 kilograms of enough highly enrichment uranium converted into a deadly metallic sphere compact enough to be inserted inside a 600-millimeter tri-conic nosecone and encased in a two-stage R265 shock generator working in tandem with an EBW to ignite a neutron initiator, Iran would still need a reliable delivery vehicle.

Iran has it: the Shabab-3.

Shahab-3 missile delivery — airburst at 600 meters

Iran’s main nuclear warhead-ready missile is the Shahab-3, the renamed North Korean No-Dong 1, which is based on a Russian Scud-C design. In Farsi, Shahab means Meteor. While Iran possesses various North Korean missiles relabeled with Farsi names such as the Shabab-1 and Shabab-2, the Shahab-3 is uniquely suited to deliver a nuclear bomb to Israel. The Shahab-3 is designed to carry a warhead of approximately 800-1000 kilograms, and boasts a range of some 1200 kilometers — far enough to reach Israel.

Most importantly, it can detonate not only upon impact, but in an airburst above ground. The lethal Shahab-3 missiles are truck-mobile, so they can shoot from a parking lot or a pistachio grove. No one can be sure how many Shahab-3s are held in Tehran’s inventory, but certainly it is scores, if not hundreds. Videos show Iran shooting several at once. This particular missile is the one that IAEA inspectors and governments most closely associate with Iran’s nuclear weapon program. They have been worried about it for years.

ISIS notes from a February 2008 IAEA weaponization briefing state: “The information presented, which included multimedia files, describes several aspects of what could be nuclear-weapons development [including] instructions on … missile-reentry vehicle research including the chronology of events-separation of the missile, loss-of-tracking, switching on of altitude detectors, and timing of firing devices leading to an explosion at an altitude of about 600 meters. The IAEA notes that the altitude described in the documents excludes the possibility that the warhead was designed to accommodate conventional explosives or chemical and biological charges.”

A 2008 IAEA report recounts a discussion with the Iranians about “parameters and development work related to the Shahab-3 missile, in particular technical aspects of a reentry vehicle.” IAEA inspectors “made available to Iran for examination a computer image … showing a schematic layout of the contents of the inner cone of a reentry vehicle. This layout has been assessed by the agency as quite likely to be able to accommodate a nuclear device.” Iran denied the authenticity of the schematic.

The November 2011 IAEA military annex reflects alarm regarding “high explosives (including the development of exploding bridgewire detonators) and re-engineering of the payload chamber of the Shahab 3 missile reentry vehicle.” When the November 2011 IAEA report cited its concern over “at least one large-scale experiment in 2003 to initiate a high-explosive charge in the form of a hemispherical shell,” the agency specified in the same paragraph that “the explosives used with it were consistent with the dimensions for the new payload, which, according to the alleged studies documentation, were given to the engineers who were studying how to integrate the new payload into the chamber of the Shahab 3 missile reentry vehicle.”

Later, in a subsequent section of that November 2011 IAEA military annex entitled “Fusing, Arming and Firing system,” the inspectors report that they asked the Tehran authorities about design graphics that reflect efforts to “integrate the new payload into the reentry vehicle of the Shahab 3 missile [and] … the development of a prototype firing system that would enable the payload to explode both in the air above a target or upon impact of the reentry vehicle.” Iran formally replied that the graphics were a mere “animation game.” In other words, Iran dismissed the nuclear-bomb graphics as a sort of doodle.

The matter came up again last year in a section of the November 2011 IAEA military annex entitled “Integration into a Missile Delivery Vehicle.” The IAEA Board of Governors repeated, “The project appears to have consisted of a structured and comprehensive program of engineering studies to examine how to integrate a new spherical payload into the existing payload chamber, which would be mounted in the reentry vehicle of the Shahab 3 missile.”

The reason Iran’s pursuit of an airburst detonation of approximately 600 meters is so troubling to IAEA inspector is because the inspectors know their history. The atomic bombs dropped over Hiroshima and Nagasaki were designed to detonate as an airburst—at 600 meters.

How sure is sure?

Just how sure is the IAEA about its findings. The agency certainly tends to liberally sprinkle the word “alleged” and “alleged documentation” throughout its reportage. That is the pro forma language of such international bodies. But to address any reservation on the authenticity of the information assembled, the IAEA in its 2011 military annex took the rare opportunity of including a full section entitled “Credibility of Information.”

The Credibility of Information section assured the authenticity of the data, certifying that it relied upon “a large volume of documentation (including correspondence, reports, graphs from presentations, videos, and engineering drawings), amounting to over a thousand pages. The information reflected in that documentation is of a technically complex and interconnected nature, showing research, development, and testing activities over time. It also contains working-level correspondence consistent with the day-to-day implementation of a formal programme. Consistent with the Agency’s practice, that information has been carefully and critically examined. The Agency has also had several meetings with the Member State [Iran] to clarify the information it had provided, to question the Member State [Iran] about the forensics it had carried out on the documentation and the information reflected in it, and to obtain more information on the underlying sources.”

The Credibility of Information section added that the IAEA information was obtained from diverse sources and vetted by official bodies in numerous countries. “In addition to the alleged studies documentation,” the IAEA November 2011 military annex states, “the Agency has received information from more than ten Member States. This has included procurement information, information on international travel by individuals said to have been involved in the alleged activities, financial records, documents reflecting health and safety arrangements, and other documents demonstrating manufacturing techniques for certain high-explosive components. This information reinforces and tends to corroborate the information reflected in the alleged studies documentation and relates to activities substantially beyond those identified in that documentation.”

Driving home the degree of certitude, the IAEA annex averred, “In addition to the information referred to … the Agency has acquired information as a result of its own efforts, including publications and articles acquired through open-source research, satellite imagery, the results of Agency verification activities, and information provided by Iran in the context of those verification activities. Importantly, the Agency has also had direct discussions with a number of individuals who were involved in relevant activities in Iran, including, for example, an interview with a leading figure in the clandestine nuclear-supply network. The information obtained by the Agency from the discussions with these individuals is consistent with the information provided by Member States, and that acquired through its own efforts, in terms of time frames and technical content.”

That IAEA military annex complains of Iran’s obstruction. While “Iran has acknowledged certain information reflected in the alleged studies documentation … many of the answers given by Iran to questions posed by the Agency in connection with efforts to resolve the Agency’s concerns have been imprecise and/or incomplete, and the information has been slow in coming and sometimes contradictory.” In addition, the IAEA complains of secret activities, saying, “The existence of previously undeclared parts of Iran’s nuclear programme, have tended to increase the Agency’s concerns, rather than dispel them.”

In a final statement, the agency make the blanket statement: “Based on these considerations, and in light of the Agency’s general knowledge of the Iranian nuclear programme and its historical evolution, the Agency finds the information upon which Part C of this Annex is based to be, overall, credible.”

In summation, based on voluminous data, the IAEA reiterates its concern: “Iran has carried out activities that are relevant to the development of a nuclear explosive device.”

Just days ago, on August 30, the IAEA Board of Governors issued a statement with Restricted Distribution reiterating its long-held conclusion: “Since 2002, the Agency has become increasingly concerned about the possible existence in Iran of undisclosed nuclear related activities involving military-related organizations, including activities related to the development of a nuclear payload for a missile.” The August 30 statement emphasizes once again, “Iran has carried out activities that are relevant to the development of a nuclear explosive device. This information, which comes from a wide variety of independent sources, including from a number of Member States, from the Agency’s own efforts, and from information provided by Iran itself, is assessed by the Agency to be, overall, credible.”

In its August 30, 2012 report summary, the IAEA concluded that it was more or less giving up: “As Iran is not providing the necessary cooperation,” the IAEA stated, “the Agency is unable to provide credible assurance about the absence of undeclared nuclear material and activities in Iran, and therefore to conclude that all nuclear material in Iran is in peaceful activities”

News and revelations

The point of these revelations about Iran’s advanced warhead design is that they are not revelations at all. The news is that these revelations are old news. They have been known to Western governments for many months and in some cases several years. This information was not given to this writer in a Georgetown briefing by a defense official or in a Tel Aviv café by a Mossad operative. Everything quoted here is robustly searchable on the Internet. Almost none of it is taken from media reports, but rather from governmental, official or quasi-official sources publically available. For some 15 years, Iran has been building a bomb. Government leaders know this.

Herman Nackaerts, Deputy Director General and Head of the Department of Safeguards of the International Atomic Energy Agency, IAEA, left, and Iran's Ambassador to the International Atomic Energy Agency, IAEA, Ali Asghar Soltanieh speak to journalists after their talks at the permanent mission of Iran in Vienna on Aug. 24, 2012. (photo credit: AP Photo/Hans Punz)

Israel will wait until the last moment, diplomatic sources say, allowing every nonmilitary lever to work. Ultimately, Israel will rely upon itself as it did when it destroyed the Iraqi nuclear reactor in 1981 in Operation Babylon and, according to foreign reports, the budding Syrian-North Korean reactor in 2007 in Operation Orchard.

To the question of when any such attack on Iran might occur, the best minds say, “He who knows does not speak; he who speaks does not know.” But the best sense is that when and if it happens, the noise will be deafening and reverberate for a long time.

———–

Edwin Black is the author of the international best sellers IBM and the Holocaust, Banking on Baghdad, and The Farhud. He can be found at http://www.edwinblack.com.

Iran threatens to deploy ships near US shores

September 4, 2012

Iran threatens to deploy ships near US shores | The Times of Israel.

Comment from navy chief comes as Washington beefs up presence in the Persian Gulf, and ahead of American war games in the region

September 4, 2012, 4:32 pm 3
An Iranian navy vessel launches a missile during a drill in the Sea of Oman in January 2012. (photo credit: AP/ISNA, Amir Kholousi)

An Iranian navy vessel launches a missile during a drill in the Sea of Oman in January 2012. (photo credit: AP/ISNA, Amir Kholousi)

The head of Iran’s navy said the country aims to put its warships in international waters off the US coast “in the next few years.”

The comments Tuesday from Admiral Habibollah Sayyari on state TV are part of Iran’s response to Washington’s beefed up naval presence in the Persian Gulf.

The US Navy’s 5th fleet is based in Bahrain — across the gulf from Iran — and the US plans maritime war games later this month.

Iran has made similar claims in the past, saying its ships could soon sail into international waters off the US coast.

In late August, the US deployed a large aircraft carrier to the Persian Gulf, cutting short leave for thousands of soldiers to send them back to the Middle East ahead of schedule.

The US Navy said the USS John C. Stennis, which was initially scheduled to return to the Gulf in late December, was being deployed early “to maintain combatant commander requirements for the presence in the region.”

The latest developments come amid growing fears of a possible military strike on Iran’s nuclear facilities, which analysts say could spark a wider war or the closing of the Strait of Hormuz, a key shipping lane that the US has said it will use its power to keep open.

Tehran and Washington have been at odds over Tehran’s nuclear program, which the the West suspects is aimed at producing nuclear weapons. Iran denies the charge.

Senior U.S. intelligence official: Israel won’t strike Iran before November

September 4, 2012

Senior U.S. intelligence official: Israel won’t strike Iran before November – Israel News | Haaretz Daily Newspaper.

House Intelligence Committee Chairman Mike Rogers: ‘No doubt in my mind’ that U.S. elections are influencing Israel’s calculations.

By Amos Harel | Sep.04, 2012 | 2:28 PM

U.S. Representative Mike Rogers,

There is a growing American assessment that Israel will not attack Iranian nuclear facilities before the U.S. presidential elections on November 6.

U.S. House of Representatives Intelligence Committee Chairman Mike Rogers, who visited Israel last week, told a breakfast panel at the Republican National Convention in Tampa, Florida on Tuesday that he believes the Israeli government is likely to wait until after the elections.

Rogers said that after his trip, during which he met with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, he’d been left with “no doubt in my mind” that the U.S. election cycle was part of Israel’s calculations. Asked why he thought Israel would wait, Rogers said, “Because I think they believe that maybe after the election they can talk the United States into cooperating.”

Rogers’ remarks were published on the website of the Washington newspaper The Hill, which reports primarily on the U.S. Congress.

During Rogers’ meeting with Netanyahu, the prime minister criticized U.S. President Barak Obama’s attitude toward Iran, according to a report in the daily Yedioth Ahronoth. This led to a sharply worded exchange between Netanyahu and U.S. Ambassador to Israel Dan Shapiro, who was present at the meeting, the paper said. Shapiro subsequently denied the report.

On Monday, former CIA director Michael Hayden told Haaretz that a decision on attacking Iran need not be made right now, as current assessments point to Iran achieving nuclear-weapons capabilities no earlier than 2013 or 2014.

Hayden said he believes those assessments are still valid, even though the time needed for the Iranians to make the leap into actual production of nuclear weapons has decreased, since the bottleneck in that plan was the missile development and the lack of enriched uranium needed to make warheads, not Tehran’s ability to turn the material into weapons.

Hayden added that if and when a decision is made to attack Iran, the U.S. would be better equipped to conduct it than Israel.

Earlier this week, the New York Times reported that Obama was considering a series of steps, both overt and covert, with the goal of helping Israel climb down from the tree and convincing Netanyahu to hold off on attacking Iran’s nuclear facilities.

According to the report, Obama is considering making declarations regarding the United States’ “red lines” that may bring about an American attack on Iran if crossed.

Chomsky: The US and Israel threaten peace

September 4, 2012

Chomsky: The US and Israel threaten peace – Salon.com.

( The leftist view from the smartest of the leftists. – JW )

Imagine if Iran — or any other country — did a fraction of what American and Israel do at will

Chomsky: The US and Israel threaten peaceNoam Chomsky (Credit: Reuters/Jorge Dan)

This article originally appeared on AlterNet.

It is not easy to escape from one’s skin, to see the world differently from the way it is presented to us day after day. But it is useful to try. Let’s take a few examples.

The war drums are beating ever more loudly over Iran. Imagine the situation to be reversed.

Iran is carrying out a murderous and destructive low-level war against Israel with great-power participation. Its leaders announce that negotiations are going nowhere. Israel refuses to sign the Non-Proliferation Treaty and allow inspections, as Iran has done. Israel continues to defy the overwhelming international call for a nuclear-weapons-free zone in the region. Throughout, Iran enjoys the support of its superpower patron.

Iranian leaders are therefore announcing their intention to bomb Israel, and prominent Iranian military analysts report that the attack may happen before the U.S. elections.

Iran can use its powerful air force and new submarines sent by Germany, armed with nuclear missiles and stationed off the coast of Israel. Whatever the timetable, Iran is counting on its superpower backer to join if not lead the assault. U.S. defense secretary Leon Panetta says that while we do not favor such an attack, as a sovereign country Iran will act in its best interests.

All unimaginable, of course, though it is actually happening, with the cast of characters reversed. True, analogies are never exact, and this one is unfair – to Iran.

Like its patron, Israel resorts to violence at will. It persists in illegal settlement in occupied territory, some annexed, all in brazen defiance of international law and the U.N. Security Council. It has repeatedly carried out brutal attacks against Lebanon and the imprisoned people of Gaza, killing tens of thousands without credible pretext.

Thirty years ago Israel destroyed an Iraqi nuclear reactor, an act that has recently been praised, avoiding the strong evidence, even from U.S. intelligence, that the bombing did not end Saddam Hussein’s nuclear weapons program but rather initiated it. Bombing of Iran might have the same effect.

Iran too has carried out aggression – but during the past several hundred years, only under the U.S.-backed regime of the shah, when it conquered Arab islands in the Persian Gulf.

Iran engaged in nuclear development programs under the shah, with the strong support of official Washington. The Iranian government is brutal and repressive, as are Washington’s allies in the region. The most important ally, Saudi Arabia, is the most extreme Islamic fundamentalist regime, and spends enormous funds spreading its radical Wahhabist doctrines elsewhere. The gulf dictatorships, also favored U.S. allies, have harshly repressed any popular effort to join the Arab Spring.

The Nonaligned Movement – the governments of most of the world’s population – is now meeting in Teheran. The group has vigorously endorsed Iran’s right to enrich uranium, and some members – India, for example – adhere to the harsh U.S. sanctions program only partially and reluctantly.

The NAM delegates doubtless recognize the threat that dominates discussion in the West, lucidly articulated by Gen. Lee Butler, former head of the U.S. Strategic Command: “It is dangerous in the extreme that in the cauldron of animosities that we call the Middle East,” one nation should arm itself with nuclear weapons, which “inspires other nations to do so.”

Butler is not referring to Iran, but to Israel, which is regarded in the Arab countries and in Europe as posing the greatest threat to peace In the Arab world, the United States is ranked second as a threat, while Iran, though disliked, is far less feared. Indeed in many polls majorities hold that the region would be more secure if Iran had nuclear weapons to balance the threats they perceive.

If Iran is indeed moving toward nuclear-weapons capability – this is still unknown to U.S. intelligence – that may be because it is “inspired to do so” by the U.S.-Israeli threats, regularly issued in explicit violation of the U.N. Charter.

Why then is Iran the greatest threat to world peace, as seen in official Western discourse? The primary reason is acknowledged by U.S. military and intelligence and their Israeli counterparts: Iran might deter the resort to force by the United States and Israel.

Furthermore Iran must be punished for its “successful defiance,” which was Washington’s charge against Cuba half a century ago, and still the driving force for the U.S. assault against Cuba that continues despite international condemnation.

Other events featured on the front pages might also benefit from a different perspective. Suppose that Julian Assange had leaked Russian documents revealing important information that Moscow wanted to conceal from the public, and that circumstances were otherwise identical.

Sweden would not hesitate to pursue its sole announced concern, accepting the offer to interrogate Assange in London. It would declare that if Assange returned to Sweden (as he has agreed to do), he would not be extradited to Russia, where chances of a fair trial would be slight.

Sweden would be honored for this principled stand. Assange would be praised for performing a public service – which, of course, would not obviate the need to take the accusations against him as seriously as in all such cases.

The most prominent news story of the day here is the U.S. election. An appropriate perspective was provided by U.S. Supreme Court Justice Louis Brandeis, who held that “We may have democracy in this country, or we may have wealth concentrated in the hands of a few, but we cannot have both.”

Guided by that insight, coverage of the election should focus on the impact of wealth on policy, extensively analyzed in the recent study “Affluence and Influence: Economic Inequality and Political Power in America” by Martin Gilens. He found that the vast majority are “powerless to shape government policy” when their preferences diverge from the affluent, who pretty much get what they want when it matters to them.

Small wonder, then, that in a recent ranking of the 31 members of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development in terms of social justice, the United States placed 27th, despite its extraordinary advantages.

Or that rational treatment of issues tends to evaporate in the electoral campaign, in ways sometimes verging on comedy.

To take one case, Paul Krugman reports that the much-admired Big Thinker of the Republican Party, Paul Ryan, declares that he derives his ideas about the financial system from a character in a fantasy novel – “Atlas Shrugged” – who calls for the use of gold coins instead of paper currency.

It only remains to draw from a really distinguished writer, Jonathan Swift. In “Gulliver’s Travels,” his sages of Lagado carry all their goods with them in packs on their backs, and thus could use them for barter without the encumbrance of gold. Then the economy and democracy could truly flourish – and best of all, inequality would sharply decline, a gift to the spirit of Justice Brandeis.

Close

Noam Chomsky is Institute Professor (retired) at MIT. He is the author of many books and articles on international affairs and social-political issues, and a long-time participant in activist movements.

Encountering Peace: Nukes out of the box

September 4, 2012

Encountering Peace: Nukes out of … JPost – Opinion – Columnists.

( A “pie in the sky” leftist solution to Iranian nukes. – JW )

09/03/2012 22:44
The repercussions of an Israeli attack are far beyond the ability of any expert to predict.

IAEA in Vienna Photo: Elana Kirsh

A unilateral Israeli attack against Iran is insane; too risky, dangerous irresponsible and strategically ill-conceived.Iran cannot be allowed to have a nuclear weapon. A nuclear Iran is not an existential threat to Israel, it is an existential threat to the world. A nuclear Iran will create an arms race in the region and with so many terrorist organizations and so much state-supported terror the world cannot afford for so much enriched nuclear fuel to be available in the market place of the Middle East.

Common thinking in Israel and among its republican friends in the US is that Iran can only be stopped by military action. The arguments among those advocating an attack are about when it must take place. These debates revolve primarily around differing definition of the “red line” – the point of no return, when the Iranian program becomes weaponized, or nearly weaponized. For the time being there is consensus among the experts that Iran has not yet made the decision to construct a bomb. There is no consensus on whether or not Iran is already at a stage of being weapon-capable.

Most of the former heads of Israel’s security establishment have come out clearly against a unilateral Israeli strike. They speak about the limitations of such an attack – how much damage to the Iranian nuclear program can be achieved? They also speak of the consequences; mainly the potential damage from the retaliation of Iran and Hezbollah.

In light of the retaliatory potential of Hezbollah with its long-range missile arsenal, there is now talk in the Israeli security establishment of the need to not only hit targets in Iran but to also include a simultaneous pre-emptive attack against Hezbollah. In other words, they are planning a regional war.

In the calculus of this planning there is the Israeli belief that the Arab Sunni states of the region would a priori bless the Israeli attack and be relieved if the Iranian nuclear program were degraded. I contend that this is a false assumption and should not be taken for granted.

I CONTEND that the new regimes and the Arab and Muslim street will not support an Israeli attack against Iran, quite the opposite, even if they too are fearful of an Iranian bomb and the strengthening of the regime of the Ayatollahs.

But more important, the repercussions of an Israeli attack are far beyond the ability of any expert to predict. The risks are enormous, the potential damage to our economy and infrastructure, and the potential loss of human life are simply too high to venture into the planned attack.

There is no way to ensure that hundreds of missiles from Iran or from Lebanon would not rain on the civilian population in the center of the country or on vital and strategic infrastructure all around the country.

Yes, Iran cannot be allowed to achieve a nuclear bomb. Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu claims that the international community is not doing enough to thwart Iran’s nuclear ambitions. The international community must take responsibility for ensuring that it will not happen. So must Israel. That is clearly the responsibility of the government to its people. A military attack against Iran is not the only contribution that Israel can make to the process. More creativity and thinking out-of- the-box is required to avert the potential disastrous effects of a new Middle East War.

The diplomatic toolbox is not limited to bombs. In an article I wrote several months ago called “The unintended consequences of an Israel attack against Iran” I wrote that the outcome of such an attack may be a demand from the international community for Israel to put an end to its policy of ambiguity regarding the existence of Israeli nuclear bombs, and that Israel may be required to join the non-proliferation treaty. I now call for Israel to voluntarily undertake these steps as a means to exert additional pressure on the international community and on Iran to prevent both the Iranian weaponization and a possible Israeli attack against Iran.

At the 2010 Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, the Final Document in the section titled: “The Middle East” reads as follows: 2. The Conference reaffirms its endorsement of the aims and objectives of the Middle East peace process, and recognizes that efforts in this regard, as well as other efforts, contribute to, inter alia, a Middle East zone free of nuclear weapons as well as other weapons of mass destruction.

5. The Conference recalls the reaffirmation by the 2000 Review Conference of the importance of Israel’s accession to the Treaty and the placement of all its nuclear facilities under comprehensive IAEA safeguards.

7. (a) The Secretary-General of the United Nations… in consultation with the States of the region, will convene a conference in 2012, to be attended by all States of the Middle East, on the establishment of a Middle East zone free of nuclear weapons and all other weapons of mass destruction….

The Conference on the establishment of a Middle East Zone free of nuclear weapons and all other weapons of mass destruction is planned for the end of 2012. In advance of that conference, which Israel should announce now that it will attend, Israel should also pre-emptively announce that it is ending its policy of ambiguity and should invite the inspectors of the IAEA to come to Israel to document the full extent of Israel’s presumed nuclear arsenal.

But it does not stop there. Israel should announce its intention and it strategic goal of ensuring that the entire Middle East becomes a region free of all weapons of mass destruction and that Israel will play its part in achieving that in the framework of regional and international agreements.

With this strategy adopted by the government of Israel, the international community would be fully empowered to use the full force of diplomacy, including Chapter Seven of the United Nations Charter enabling the use of force endorsed by the full international community, including Russia and China, against Iran. This would be a much more strategically sound and safe Israeli policy.

Gershon Baskin is the co-chairman of IPCRI, the Israel Palestine Center for Research and Information, a columnist for The Jerusalem Post, a radio host on All for Peace Radio and the initiator and negotiator of the secret back channel for the release of Gilad Schalit.

Hezbollah issues stern warning to Israel – UPI.com

September 4, 2012

Hezbollah issues stern warning to Israel – UPI.com.

Published: Sept. 4, 2012 at 9:48 AM

 

BEIRUT, Lebanon,

Sept. 4 (UPI) — All options are on the table in the event Israeli forces launch an attack on Lebanese interests, Hezbollah Secretary-General Hassan Nasrallah said.

Nasrallah told the Hezbollah’s al-Manar news channel that a strong deterrent was needed in the face of Israeli aggression.

“When Israel threatens to destroy Lebanon, it is our duty to stand in its face and say: This era is over,” he said.

Hezbollah and Israel went to war briefly in 2006. A U.N. Security Council resolution that helped broker a cease-fire calls on Hezbollah to disarm while reminding Israel of its obligations to respect Lebanese sovereignty.

Nasrallah last month said “the No. 1 threat for Israel” in the world is Hezbollah.

“If Israel attacks us, all options are open,” he said during the interview.

He maintained, however, that there were no chemical weapons in Hezbollah’s arsenal.

The U.S. Departments of Treasury and State in August sanctioned Hezbollah for backing the Syrian regime, under pressure for the international community for fighting in the country.

Hezbollah is listed as a terrorist organization by the U.S. government.

The movement’s Deputy Secretary-General Naim Qassem had said his group opposed foreign interference in the conflict.

Why Obama has abandoned Israel and Jews should abandon Obama | Fox News

September 4, 2012

Why Obama has abandoned Israel and Jews should abandon Obama | Fox News.

(This is simple minded, but a lot of people feel this way. – JW )

By

Obama speaks on college tuition.jpg

Published September 04, 2012

| FoxNews.com

Mitt Romney had an interesting, controversial, and completely ignored line during his speech at the Republican National Convention. Mitt said “Obama has thrown Israel under the bus.” Mitt knew something the rest of us didn’t. The story is shocking- as much for the betrayal of one of our strongest allies- as for the timing.

President Obama has gone rogue. As I’ve said for 3 and a half years, the president is no friend of Israel. But I thought his betrayal would be timed for sometime after the election- perhaps on a quiet Thanksgiving or Christmas holiday weekend. The fact he has openly thrown Israel under the bus BEFORE the election is a disturbing sign for Jews (and for all Americans who support the right of our longtime friend and ally Israel to exist). Can you imagine what Obama is capable of after the Presidential election — if he never again has to answer to Jewish voters?

On Thursday, August 30, Time magazine disclosed that U.S. Joint Chiefs Chairman, General Martin Dempsey, told reporters in London, “I don’t want to be complicit” if Israel chooses to conduct a military strike on Iran’s nuclear facilities. No top general would ever say anything like that without orders from the White House. Those are clearly Obama’s words, not Dempsey’s.

Even louder than the words are the actions of the Obama administration. Time reports that a joint US-Israeli war games exercise was postponed several months ago to show Obama’s displeasure over Israel’s plans to strike Iran’s nuclear facilities. After being re-scheduled for this fall it has suddenly been scaled back,drastically.

Time reports that “well-placed sources” in both countries have confirmed that the Obama administration has slashed more than two-thirds the number of U.S. troops participating; decided not to send crews to operate Patriot anti-missile systems; and will either cut in half or entirely eliminate the Ballistic Missile Defense warships involved in the exercise.

A senior Israeli official told Time the message the Obama administration is sending is “We don’t trust you.” I would contend the Israeli official is being very diplomatic. The real message is much more brutal: “Good luck Israel. You are on your own.”

Everyone in the Obama administration is aware that an attack by Israel on Iran requires the latest “bunker buster” bombs provided only by the U.S. military. Israel also knows that a pre-emptive strike on Iran (to save itself from the holocaust promised by Iran as soon as it has nuclear capabilities), will result in retaliation from both Iran and Hezbollah. With 40,000+ missiles aimed at Israel from nearby Lebanon, Israel needs not only missile shields, but also military help from the U.S. to protect her civilian population and her very survival.

Even worse, the X-band radar system in the Israeli desert aimed at Iran and linked to Israel’s anti-missile systems, to warn Israel of incoming missiles, is manned by and controlled by U.S. military personnel. Without cooperation from the U.S. military, Israel is literally “flying blind.” The ability to save Israeli civilian lives and shoot down incoming missiles is in the hands of Barack Obama. And his message is clear, “We don’t have your back.”

Given the cold shoulder Obama has given Israel since his inauguration, it is not a major shock that he is the first US president to refuse to help Israel defend her citizens and national security.  What is a major shock is his showing in no uncertain terms his bias against Israel’s right to defend herself BEFORE the election.

The question is “Why?”

Obviously, first is Obama’s true radical nature — he really is no friend of Israel.

Second, Obama had no choice, but to abandon Israel now. As I’ve predicted publicly for months now, Israel is assured of no help after the election (if Obama is reelected and no longer has to face Jewish voters ever again). Therefore Israel’s best option is to order the attack before the US election, when Obama’s distaste for Israel may be overcome by his desperate need for Jewish votes and Jewish donors to remain in power. — Netanayu undoubtedly told Obama that he has reached the same decision.

Boxed into a corner, Obama is now doing all in his power to stop the air strike now, stalling it until after the election. And of course, we all know Obama loves to please Russian President Putin. Rumors from sources in both Washington and Moscow report that Putin has asked Obama to handcuff Israel. We all heard Obama tell the Russians “Sit tight and give me space, this is my last election. After my election I have more flexibility.” Unfortunately, it’s now clear one of those “flexible items” is to abandon Israel.

As a Jew and a lifelong supporter of Israel, I would ask my fellow Jews to think long and hard at the voting booth on November 6. Perhaps it is time to consider whether the historic voting patterns of Jews on behalf of the Democratic Party are in the best interests of the Jewish people? Is a vote for Obama, a vote condemning Israel to become a sitting duck in the name of political correctness? Even more importantly, is voting for Obama over social issues, or a woman’s right to choose, worth risking another another Holocaust?

My conclusion: It’s time for Jews to abandon Obama, the same way Obama has abandoned Israel.