Archive for May 8, 2012

Analysis: A new balance at the cabinet on Iran

May 8, 2012

Analysis: A new balance at the ca… JPost – Diplomacy & Politics.

05/08/2012 18:53
By inserting Shaul Mofaz and Kadima into the government, Prime Minister Netanyahu may be trying to tighten ranks ahead of a possible war that might be looming on the horizon, a war against Iran.

Prime Minister Netanyahu at cabinet meeting Photo: Emil Salman / Pool / Haaretz

On June 4, 1967, then-prime minister Levi Eshkol formed a national unity government and appointed Moshe Dayan minister of defense. A day later, the Six Day War broke out.

The threat that Israel faces today from Iran is not as imminent as the one Eshkol was concerned with 45 years ago. On the other hand though, by inserting Shaul Mofaz and Kadima into the government, Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu may be trying to tighten ranks ahead of a possible war that might be looming on the horizon, a war against Iran.

</p><p>Shaul, welcome</p></p><p>When it became clear to me that we can form a very broad government</p></p><div id=’relatedArticles’><label id=’relatedArticlesTitle’> Related: </label><ul><li><div class=’relatedArticlesItem’ > <a href=’/DiplomacyAndPolitics/Article.aspx?id=269131′ TARGET = ‘_blank’>Mofaz: No flip flop, I took ‘historic’ offer</a></div></li><li><div class=’relatedArticlesItem’ > <a href=’/DiplomacyAndPolitics/Article.aspx?id=269147′ TARGET = ‘_blank’>Unity deal draws mixture of disgust and delight</a></div></li></ul></div><p>In fact, the broadest governmentin the history of the state of Israel</p></p><p>of 94 members of knesset</p></p><p>I realized we can restore stabilitywithout going to elections</p></p><p>There are 4 topics that anchor Kadima’s decision to join Netanyahu’s current coalition </p></p><p>The first is changing the Tal Law</p></p><p>The second is changing the government system</p></p><p>Third is the political negotiations</p></p><p>And our dealing with a number of challenges</p></p><p>including the economic and social challenges</p><br />

Mofaz however is not someone who is expected to immediately fall in line behind Netanyahu and Defense Minister Ehud Barak when it comes to Iran.

A former defense minister and chief of staff, he has a record that nearly parallels Barak’s and could try and take a stand against him in the government. He is intimately familiar with the Iranian issue – not just because of his birth in Tehran – but also from his more recent role as chairman of the Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee and head of the Strategic Dialogue with the United States up until 2009.

According to media reports over the past year, Mofaz has been opposed to an Israeli attack against Iran and will find a partner in his successor as chief of staff Strategic Affairs Minister Moshe “Bogie” Ya’alon who is also opposed to unilateral Israeli action.

Both believe that a military option should be a last resort and Israel should instead try and get the United States to stop the Iranians.

If Netanyahu plans on bringing such an option to a security cabinet vote in the near future and possibly as early as this summer, he likely gave thought to the way Mofaz would vote and the potential outcome.

Judging by the decision to bring Kadima into the government, Netanyahu either is not planning on bringing a possible strike to a vote or he believes that he has a majority in the cabinet without Mofaz. Another possibility is that Netanyahu believes that once Mofaz joins the government and is re-exposed to the latest classified material on Iran, the Kadima leader will change his mind.

Netanyahu shakes things up

May 8, 2012

Netanyahu shakes things up – Right Turn – The Washington Post.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu pulled a fast one, just as the Knesset was moving toward its dissolution in preparation for the Sept. 4 elections. Netanyahu struck a deal with Kadima Chairman Shaul Mofaz, who recently toppled party leader Tzipi Livni, to form a unity government. The left (a shadow of its former self) is apoplectic, with Meretz head Zahava Gal-On calling it a “mega-stinking maneuver by a prime minister who wants to avoid elections and a desperate opposition chairman facing a crash.” For reasons I’ll explain below, the Israel-bashing left in the United States is likely to grind its teeth as well.

The deal will raise speculation that the move is intended to broaden Netanyahu’s support and free him from a campaign battle (albeit one he was going to win overwhelmingly) in order to deal with Iran. This, however, may be premature. In fact, Mofaz recently expressed skepticism about an early strike on Iran:

“To me, the threat that Israeli will become a bi-national state is far more serious than the Iranian nuclear issue. An early Israeli attack [on Iran], in a period that still has not seen a full international effort [against the nuclear program] has two dangers. The biggest is a war, and the second is an acceleration of Iran’s nuclear program.”

An Israeli expert with whom I spoke this morning indicated that in a visit he had with Mofaz in January, Mofaz expressed serious reservations about a unilateral strike. “He was deeply concerned about the day-after scenarios,” the expert told me.

That said, it is nearly inconceivable that Netanyahu would have made this move, bypassing elections, only to limit his options regarding Iran. In a piece entitled “Forget That No-October-Surprise-Iran Attack Business I Was Talking About Before,” Jeffrey Goldberg observes that “it means that Netanyahu can proceed apace with whatever he’s thinking about doing re: Iran’s nuclear sites. This is not to say that he brought Kadima into his coalition to clear the way for an attack; Mofaz — Iranian-born, by the way — is on record as opposing an Iran strike, although people I speak to say he would back such a strike in a crunch (namely, if he saw proof that Iran was rapidly approaching the ‘zone of immunity,’ in which it could enrich uranium in impregnable bunkers).” We should look for early comments by Mofaz as to whether he is on the same page as Netanyahu with regard to Iran.

Today, Netanyahu announced a coalition with 94 seats in the Knesset, the largest in Israeli history and just the sort of unified government he will need if military action is required. He declared that “here we’re together, Shaul and I and the rest of the coalition, saying we’re pulling together for four main issues: to pass a fair and equal replacement of the Tal Law; to pass a responsible budget; to change the system of governance; and, lastly, to try and promote a responsible peace process.”

The unity deal’s most significant implications may be on the domestic side, as David Horvitz of the Times of Israel observes:

At the eleventh hour, just before his colleagues were set to vote the 18th Knesset into history, Netanyahu achieved a whole slew of tactical victories. He widened his coalition to include the largest party in parliament, signing the deal with Mofaz that he and the former Kadima leader Tzipi Livni could not bring themselves to ratify no matter how beneficial each might have believed it to be for their parties and the nation. He now heads a vast coalition in which the minor parties immediately muster less influence and have consequently less capacity to try to manipulate the national agenda for their narrower needs.

Yisrael Beytenu’s Avigdor Liberman may have quickly welcomed the deal, but it reduces his party’s ability to threaten coalition crises over legislation such as the successor to the Tal Law on national service for the ultra-Orthodox.

The ability to alter the Tal Law, which has become a source of controversy and resentment in Israel (but reform of which has been blocked by critical small coalition partners) is huge for Netanyahu. Indeed the unity arrangement not only downgrades the influence of the small parties but deals a blow to the Labor Party (Labor could have picked up additional seats in the election), and it may eventually pave the way for the reintegration of Kadima back into Likud.

In short, if the arrangement works as planned, Netanyahu will throw off thestraitjacket of the religious parties, usher in replacement of the Tal Law, give himself the broadest possible support for an Iranian strike and lay the groundwork for the potential for a grand reconciliation with Kadima. The left leaning Ha’aretz listed the “losers” in this deal this way:

On the list of losers are the parties that were expected to come out on top in early elections, particularly the Israel Labor Party. Labor is in momentum, and was meant to double its power in the Knesset with early elections. . . .

[Leftist] Meretz was also happy to go to early elections, and according to polls the party was set to double its power in the Knesset with the vote in September. Meretz, however, never intended to enter a government headed by Netanyahu, and it looked like its future was as an opposition party.

Another prominent loser is Yair Lapid, the veteran TV anchor who left his television career earlier this year to launch a political one. Lapid only recently launched his new party — Yesh Atid — and has been busy getting ready for early elections. Now he’ll have to wait another year and a half until the next elections. . . .

It also looks as if Tzipi Livni, former leader of Kadima, does not benefit from the move either. Since announcing that she was leaving politics earlier this month, Livni has turned into desirable stock in the elections market, with Mofaz calling on her to return to the fold. Now, she will have to follow her fellow party members who have turned into coalition members from home.

You can add to the list of losers the anti-Israel left in the United States. A more broad-based, secularized government with latitude to strike Iran and to move cautiously on the “peace process”? J Street’s worst nightmare — an emboldened Netanyahu without the baggage of the religious right. Good luck stirring up opposition to that here or in Israel.

The irony is rich. Netanyahu is riding high while his nemesis, President Obama, is struggling for his political life. The latter will be in a weakened position to challenge the former on Iran or much else for the balance of the year.

Seven Possible Explanations For the Israeli Political Revolution – Jeffrey Goldberg – The Atlantic

May 8, 2012

Seven Possible Explanations For the Israeli Political Revolution – Jeffrey Goldberg – International – The Atlantic.

The largest opposition party in Israel, Kadima, just joined Prime Minister Bibi Netanyahu’s coalition, obviating the need for elections in September, and turning Bibi into something akin to what only Iran has previously had: a Supreme Leader. (Granted, one supreme leader came to power democratically, and the other did not.)  Bibi now stands to be the strongest prime minister of Israel in recent history. The newly-elected leader of Kadima, Shaul Mofaz, recently said he would never in a million years join a coalition with Netanyahu, so this was inevitable, I guess. Speculation is rampant about why Bibi brought in Mofaz. Here are some scenarios:

1) Bibi is forming the closest thing he can to a national unity government in order to strike Iran if he feels the upcoming P5 + 1 talks about Iran’s nuclear program have failed. Mofaz is on record against a raid, but his support would be important, and no doubt Netanyahu (and his sidekick, Ehud Barak, the defense minister) could convince him that it is necessary, if they come to the conclusion that they have to act.

2) Bibi wanted to reduce the power of his party’s right-wing by diluting it with the centrists of Kadima; this he has now done. This gives him slightly more flexibility to reopen negotiations with the Palestinians. Do not, however, hold your breath waiting for meaningful negotiations. I wish he would go forward, of course, because Netanyahu is the only Israeli politician who could deliver 75 percent of Israel’s Jewish population to a compromise deal.

3) Bibi wanted to kill the Left, in particular a new party, Yesh Atid (“There is a Future”), and the Labor party, whose apoplectic leader, Shelly Yacimovich, just accused Bibi and Mofaz of being very “masculine,” which is not the most effective insult in Israel. The “There is a Future” Party has a dubious future, and Yacimovich, though now the head of the opposition, is, at best, a speed bump.

4) Bibi wanted as broad a coalition as possible so that he could reform the way ultra-Orthodox men are drafted into the army without fearing the loss of his ultra-Orthodox coallition partners.

5) Bibi wants  to euthanize Kadima — a Likud offshoot — and bring its members back to the party. Mofaz knew he would get slaughtered in upcoming elections, so is more than happy to subcontract out his future to Bibi.

6) Bibi wants to be able to say to President Obama: More than three-quarters of the Knesset is with me. I am Israel.

7) All of these things, with a special emphasis on numbers 1 and 6.

Unity deal gives Israel’s Netanyahu a free hand on Iran – The Globe and Mail

May 8, 2012

Unity deal gives Israel’s Netanyahu a free hand on Iran – The Globe and Mail.

https://i0.wp.com/beta.images.theglobeandmail.com/archive/01403/web-netanyahu_j_1403651cl-3.jpg

The surprise overnight creation of a national unity government in Israel – made possible when Shaul Mofaz, the new leader of the Kadima party chose to join the current coalition – gives Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu exactly what he wanted when he came to power three years ago: a grand coalition that allows him a remarkably free hand to govern as he wishes, including possibly taking action on Iran.

The surprise overnight creation of a national unity government in Israel – made possible when Shaul Mofaz, the new leader of the Kadima party chose to join the current coalition – gives Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu exactly what he wanted when he came to power three years ago: a grand coalition that allows him a remarkably free hand to govern as he wishes, including possibly taking action on Iran.

Some say that was the moment the Prime Minister decided to close a deal, already being discussed, with Mr. Mofaz.

“In effect,” said Hanan Crystal, a political commentator for Israel Radio, “he’s telling MK Danon and others: ‘the Likud is not a nationalist-religious party, it’s a centralist liberal party.’”

For his part, even the dour Mr. Mofaz couldn’t keep from smiling. With this one stroke he had saved the Kadima party that was facing a stunningly large loss of seats in any election this year, and catapulted himself to the front bench of government.

Mr. Mofaz will serve as the deputy prime minister in the government and will stand in for Mr. Netanyahu whenever the Prime Minister is absent. He also will be a member of the powerful security cabinet. As well, Kadima representatives will now chair three committees in the Knesset.

Defence Minister Ehud Barak, an apparent broker in the coalition deal, also is happy. Having split from the Labour Party last year in order to remain in the government, his five-member Independence Party was facing annihilation in a September election. This way, Mr. Barak lives to fight another year as defence minister.

The big losers in this unexpected development must certainly include the recently-elected Labour Party leader Shelly Yachimovich, who is stuck now with only eight members of Knesset instead of the 18-19 that opinion polls suggested she’d capture in an election this year.

Ms. Yachimovich, an assertive and articulate former journalist who had revived Labour after Mr. Barak’s departure, denounced the accord.

“This is a pact of cowards and the most contemptible and preposterous zigzag in Israel’‎s political history,” she ‎said “‎Nobody will ever forget this shady deal, and unfortunately, this will cause profound damage to public faith in politics.”

Another apparently big loser is Yair Lapid, the entertaining former television news anchor who only last month announced the formation of a new political party that, polls indicated, could win some 11 seats were an election to take place soon.

Mr. Lapid described the unity government as precisely the kind of detestable and ugly politics he sought to eliminate. This repulsive political alliance will bury all of its participants under it, he said.

Israel deal does not make a strike on Iran less likely

May 8, 2012

Israel deal does not make a strike on Iran less likely | World news | guardian.co.uk.

The Iranian-born Shaul Mofaz is thought to oppose unilateral military action but the former chief of staff is used to taking orders from Netanyahu and the deal has secured Ehud Barak’s position.

Netanyahu

Israeli prime minister Binyamin Netanyahu (L) and Kadima party leader Shaul Mofaz announce their deal. Photograph: Lior Mizrahi/Getty Images

Does the overnight political earthquake in Israel, which led to Tuesday’s announcement of a “national unity government”, have implications for intentions regarding a possible military strike on Iran‘s nuclear programme?

At a press conference held by prime minister Binyamin Netanyahu and his new deputy, Shaul Mofaz of the centrist Kadima party, which has been brought into the coalition, it was said the new unity government would hold “serious and responsible” talks on Iran. (It’s slightly alarming, of course, to think that talks hitherto might not have been serious and responsible.)

The Iranian-born Mofaz is thought to oppose unilateral military action – a position very much at odds with that of his new boss. Netanyahu, along with defence minister Ehud Barak, is adamant that Israel reserves the right to act to stop the “existential threat” of a nuclear Iran.

As a former chief of staff, Mofaz’s views inside the unofficial core group of ministers that takes key decisions – the Forum of Eight, now the Forum of Nine – will carry some weight. But, according to analyst Meir Javedanfar, he is unlikely to be a restraining factor on Netanyahu and Barak. “His influence will be limited. His hands will be tied because of the position of weakness from which he entered the coalition,” he said.

According to Anshel Pfeffer, who writes a blog on Israel-Iran for Haaretz, the move has also “taken the most senior security figure in the opposition out of the opposition and into the government”.

Mofaz served as military chief of staff under governments led by both Netanyahu and Barak. “He has a history of taking orders from Bibi [Netanyahu] and Barak,” says Pfeffer. “I think he will be very much in line [on Iran]. It will be a triumvirate.”

An analysis by IHS Jane’s suggests that Mofaz’s presence in the government will not alter the prospects of military action. “Whether a condition of the agreement between Kadima and Likud involves Mofaz assuming a position on Iran closer to Netanyahu remains to be seen, but there will be many observers who will view the reconstituted government as preparing the ground for an attack on Iran – a decision that some members of the government, including Netanyahu, think may need to be made in the second half of 2012,” it said.

A side-effect of the cancellation of September’s election and the reinstatement of the October 2013 election is to extend Barak’s political life for another year and a half. As I wrote earlier in an analysis of Tuesday’s developments, Barak was facing potential political elimination in four months. Now his position at Netanyahu’s side is assured for the timeframe of a possible military strike.

Netanyahu’s grand coalition should worry Iran

May 8, 2012

Netanyahu’s grand coalition should worry Iran | Firstpost.

Jerusalem: Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu formed a unity government on Tuesday in a surprise move that could give him a freer hand to attack Iran’s nuclear facilities and seek peace with the Palestinians.

The coalition deal, negotiated secretly over the past days and sealed at a private meeting overnight, means the centrist Kadima party will hook up with Netanyahu’s rightist coalition, creating a wide majority of 94 of parliament’s 120 legislators.

The coalition, which replaces plans announced just two days earlier for a snap election in September, will be one of the biggest in Israeli history.

Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu (L) shakes hands with Shaul Mofaz, head of the Kadima party. Reuters

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

“This government is good for security, good for the economy and good for the people of Israel,” Netanyahu told a joint news conference with Kadima’s leader, Shaul Mofaz.

The new coalition would focus on sharing out the duty of military conscription among all Israelis, redrawing the national budget and advancing electoral reform, he said.

Ultra-Orthodox parties in the coalition had opposed plans to extend conscription to their supporters, who are now exempt.

“Lastly it is to try to advance a responsible peace process … Not all has been agreed but we have a very strong basis for continued action,” the prime minister said, adding that he hoped the Palestinians would “spot the opportunity and come sit with us for serious negotiations”.

“Of course one of the important issues is Iran,” Netanyahu added in response to a question.

Environment Minister Gilad Erdan said the accord would help build support for potential action against Iran’s atomic programme which Israel views as an existential threat.

“An election wouldn’t stop Iran’s nuclear programme. When a decision is taken to attack or not, it is better to have a broad political front, that unites the public,” he told Israel Radio.

A spokesman for Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas called on Israel to “use the opportunity provided by the expansion of its coalition government” to expedite a peace accord.

“This requires an immediate halt to all settlement activity throughout the Palestinian Territories,” spokesman Nabil Abu Rdainah said. “The new coalition government needs to be a coalition of peace and not a coalition for war.”

Peace talks have been suspended for 18 months.

Signal to Iran

The coalition accord will be formally ratified later on Tuesday and presented to parliament, officials said.

Mofaz, a former defence minister, will be named vice premier in the new government. He took over leadership of the Kadima party in March from Tzipi Livni.

As deputy prime minister in a former Kadima-headed government in 2008, Mofaz was among the first Israeli officials to publicly moot the possibility of an attack on Iran.

But the Iranian-born Mofaz has been more circumspect while in the opposition, saying Israel should not hasten to break ranks with war-wary world powers that are trying to pressure Iran through sanctions and negotiations.

Gerald Steinberg, political scientist at Bar-Ilan University near Tel Aviv, said the coalition deal “sends a very strong signal to Tehran, but also to Europe and the United States, that Israel is united and the leadership is capable of dealing with the threats that are there if and when it becomes necessary”.

Israeli officials say the next year may be crucial in seeing whether Iran will curb its nuclear plans in the face of international condemnation and Western sanctions. Iran will discuss its nuclear programme with major powers on May 23.

Israel has regularly hinted it will strike the Islamic republic if Tehran does not pull back. On Tuesday, Iranian foreign ministry spokesman Ramin Mehmanparast dismissed the threats of attack as “propaganda”.

Iran regularly rejects Israeli and Western accusations that it is working on developing a nuclear bomb, saying its programme is focused on generating electricity and other peaceful projects. Israel is widely assumed to have the Middle East’s only nuclear arsenal.

Reuters

Buy batteries and bottled water

May 8, 2012

Israel Hayom | Buy batteries and bottled water.

The surprise overnight announcement canceling plans for early Israeli elections and establishing a Likud-Kadima national unity government (with 94 of the 120 MKs in the coalition) cannot be read as just another crafty rejiggering of the political map. It can only be explained as preparation for tackling the biggest of all challenges: the Iranian nuclear threat.

Obviously, this political “big bang” would not have taken place unless it served the narrow political interests of all involved: Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Likud, who wants a stable government to take him to the end of 2013 and who aims to subsume and bury Kadima; Shaul Mofaz of Kadima, who would likely have been decimated at the polls in September; Ehud Barak of Independence, who might have been eliminated electorally; and Avigdor Lieberman of Yisrael Beitenu, who had boxed himself and the coalition government into a corner on the issue of an equitable military draft.

The “big bang” also delivers body blows to Shelly Yachimovich’s surging Labor Party and Yair Lapid’s hot new Yesh Atid party. They will now languish in opposition (or oblivion) for a long time. From the perspectives of Netanyahu and Mofaz, this is simply delicious.

It is also true that this very broad-based new government can more easily deal with the three most vexing issues on the Israeli domestic agenda: replacing the Tal Law on the draft of haredim; passing a budget for 2013-2014; and reforming Israel’s electoral system. Starry-eyed Israeli analysts are dreaming about a new Israeli peace initiative on the Palestinian front too. With his rock-solid political base Netanyahu will be better able to tackle these issues, and others like settlement outposts as well.

But I doubt that real revolutions are to be expected, nor do I think that these matters are uppermost in the prime minister’s mind.

The margin for significant policy change on any of the above issues is slim. Realistically, a new arrangement for pressurizing and incentivizing haredim to participate in the workforce and do civil or military service will end up as a compromise deal that brings marginal and gradual progress, at best. Next year’s budget will inevitably be a draconian austerity budget with increased military spending that pays only lip service to the heightened demands for social and economic justice.

Mild reform of the political system is possible, but more far-reaching reforms will be stifled by ethnic and religious pressure groups, I suspect. There is no sensible Palestinian partner for realistic negotiations, and neither Netanyahu nor Mofaz nor Barak is going to support any more unilateral withdrawals.

This brings us to Iran, which is the one issue on which far-reaching and momentous decisions are imminent. Netanyahu’s government and inner cabinet now includes three former IDF chiefs-of-staff (Barak, Mofaz and Moshe Ya’alon), something which in itself is a form of deterrence. This ought to give pause to the Iranians and the Obama administration, and to stiffen the backs of the P5+1 negotiators. It is an important counter-weight to the nasty insinuations of “irresponsibility and messianism” in government decision-making on Iran made by former intelligence chiefs Dagan and Diskin.

I know that Mofaz truly intended to run a serious campaign against Netanyahu this fall, and was building a professional electoral machine to undermine Likud’s political base among disadvantaged segments of the population. Unlike many other analysts, I have never dismissed Mofaz’s abilities or underdog chances, nor been over-impressed by the current polls giving Netanyahu a crushing lead. If Mofaz nevertheless has now decided to join a national unity government with Netanyahu, he must know something we don’t. He must understand that a confrontation with Iran is coming, and that national responsibility dictates a closing of ranks.

As my wife left the house this morning to go shopping, I suggested to her that it was time to stock up on batteries and bottled water.

Netanyahu and Mofaz: Our coalition is broadest in Israel’s history

May 8, 2012

DEBKAfile, Political Analysis, Espionage, Terrorism, Security.

DEBKAfile Special Report May 8, 2012, 1:10 PM (GMT+02:00)

 

Binyamin Netanyahu with new Dep. PM Shaul Mofaz

Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu and Kadima leader explained why they agreed to form a national unity government and avoid an early election at a joint news conference in Jerusalem Tuesday, May 8. Netanyahu said the new lineup would provide a solid basis for addressing key issues: Legislation to replace the Tal Law with a more equitable distribution of national burdens; approval of a responsible state budget; reform of the electoral system and government structure for greater political stability; promotion of a responsible peace process.
Netanyahu extended a warm welcome to the outgoing leader of the opposition and his Kadima party.

Mofaz: A government backed by 94 members of the 120-member parliament is strong enough for the right decisions and better able to rise to hard challenges than the present administration. Unity is therefore a major historic step. It will lead to a reformed ruling system that will not be prey to extortion.
Netanyahu in reply to a question about differences with Mofaz over the High Court’s order to evacuate five houses built on Palestinian-owned land in Bethel, on the West Bank, said: ‘We are law-abiding adults and are holding quiet consultations for an acceptable solution.”

Read earlier debkafile story.

In a startling about turn, Israel’s prime minister Binyamin Netanyahu let the bill for dissolving parliament (the Knesset) for an election on Sept. 4 go through first reading Monday night. The proceedings were interrupted by his announcement that he was co-opting the leading opposition party Kadima to a national unity government naming its leader Shaul Mofaz, who recently displaced Tzipi Livni, deputy prime minister. The government now commands a huge majority of 92 members of the 120-strong Knesset.
From the start, Netanyahu’s bow to pressure for a general election a year before it was due puzzled political watchers, including debkafile.  His government coalition was exceptionally stable for an Israeli government which has rarely survived more than half a term and he topped opinion polls as the most popular politician in the country.  Labor leader Shelley Yacimovitch was the only opposition leader pushing hard for an early election which no other party seemed to want.

The new lineup awarding Kadima ministerial posts has already been confirmed by Likud’s fellow coalition partners, Israel Beitenu and the ultra-Orthodox Shas. They obtained the prime minister’s commitment to table two controversial bills: the Law for Equality in Sharing the National Burden (universal mobilization for military or community service for all sectors including ultra-Orthodox and Arab citizens) by the end July, and the Reform of Government by the end of December, 2012.
The Kadima leader pledged not to quit the government before end of term in September 2012.

Netanyahu must have pretended to go along with steps for an early election almost up to the end to disarm and mislead his political enemies who had been pushing hard through the media to arrest his rising popularity and bring his government down. In back rooms meanwhile a new, stronger government was in the making in dead secrecy.

Labor remains on the opposition benches after the prime minister turned the tables on its leader’s fairly amateurish campaign to unseat him. Yacimovitch’s obvious next step might be to reignite the “Social Justice” protest movement which took the streets last summer. However efforts to rally large numbers in the last few days, with the help of financial contributions from foreign sources, have fallen flat.
The new face on Israel’s political block Yair Lapid will be left in limbo after the fanfare of launching his new party (There is a Future), the main article of whose charter is the long-term guarantee of his unelected position as party chief.

The Associated Press: Israeli PM Netanyahu unveils new unity government

May 8, 2012

The Associated Press: Israeli PM Netanyahu unveils new unity government.

JERUSALEM (AP) — Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu unveiled a revamped coalition government on Tuesday, forming a broad alliance with the chief opposition party that could free his hand to take bold action on peace with the Palestinians and decide whether to attack Iran.

In a stunning reversal, Netanyahu called off plans to hold early parliamentary elections and struck an agreement with the rival Kadima Party. Netanyahu now presides over a coalition with 94 seats in the 120-member parliament, one of the broadest governments in Israeli history.

Netanyahu and Kadima’s leader, Shaul Mofaz, appeared together at a midday news conference, saying their alliance would bring much-needed stability to Israeli politics. They promised close cooperation on Iran and expressed hope that long-stalled peace talks with the Palestinians would resume, though signs of differences on the Palestinian issue quickly surfaced.

Netanyahu’s current coalition, which had been remarkably stable since taking office in March 2009, has been riven by divisions in recent weeks over court orders to demolish two West Bank settlement outposts and to end draft exemptions for tens of thousands of ultra-Orthodox Jewish men.

Unable to bridge these differences, Netanyahu announced Monday he would push for early elections in September, more than a year ahead of schedule. But in an overnight deal that stunned the nation, he instead joined forces with Kadima, the largest party in parliament with 28 seats.

“I was ready to go to elections,” Netanyahu said. “But when I learned that a very broad government can be established … I realized that stability can be restored. That is why I have decided to form a broad national unity government.”

Netanyahu said the new coalition would focus on four areas: ending controversial draft exemptions granted to ultra-Orthodox males; reforming the volatile political system; protecting the economy; and promoting a “responsible” peace process with the Palestinians.

Peace talks have been stalled for more than three years over Israel’s policy of building settlements in the West Bank and east Jerusalem. The Palestinians, who claim both areas, have demanded a settlement freeze.

Netanyahu would not say whether he would now consider a settlement freeze. Instead, he repeated his calls for Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas to return to negotiations without any preconditions.

“I hope that President Abbas will take advantage of this opportunity,” he said.

Mofaz, however, said he would present new ideas to Netanyahu. Mofaz has suggested pursuing an interim arrangement with the Palestinians addressing border and security issues while a final deal can be reached.

Netanyahu also promised “serious and responsible” talks on Iran with Mofaz. Israel, like the West, thinks Iran is developing nuclear weapons, a charge Tehran denies.

Netanyahu has hinted that Israel would be prepared to strike Iran’s nuclear program if it feels threatened. Mofaz, a former military chief and defense minister, has spoken out against an Israeli strike on Iran, though he has a history of reversing his position on key matters.

Netanyahu said he and Mofaz already have had many discussions about Iran and will continue to hold “serious and responsible” talks on the matter. As a former military chief, Mofaz’s opinion could carry great weight in a decision on whether to strike.

Iron Dome: Israeli necessity, American priority, strategic imperative

May 8, 2012

Iron Dome: Israeli necessity, American priority, strategic imperative – Haaretz Daily Newspaper | Israel News.

Iron Dome is no guarantee that Palestinian extremists won’t pick a fight with Israel. But it makes it much more likely that Israel will only commit its soldiers to combat when it alone chooses.

By Howard L. Berman

For years, Sderot was a city under siege, the target of non-stop rocket attacks launched by Palestinian terrorists from Gaza. School was halted, synagogues were silenced and in a community defined by courage, the fragments of rockets and mortars – the vehicles of attempted murder aimed at innocent Israelis – were plain for all to see. Sderot became a living museum of terror.

Witnessing the horror, U.S. lawmakers pledged that the joy of Israeli living would return with vigor to Sderot and to other communities facing bombardment at any time of the day or night.

Our word was backed by a promise to help fund Iron Dome, a game changing rocket defense system fundamentally altering the strategic calculus in the region. For Israelis, this was a necessity; for Americans, a priority; for everyone, a strategic imperative.

Only four years ago, an informal Israeli-Hamas cease-fire collapsed and Palestinian extremists in Gaza began firing a relentless barrage of rockets into Israel aimed at the heart of Israeli population centers. In 2008, more than 3,000 rockets and mortar shells landed on Israeli territory, putting about 15 percent of Israel’s population at risk. Israel was left with no choice but to defend itself and went to war in Gaza in December 2008.

Unavoidably, many died in the ensuing warfare, most of them terrorists. But predictably, many in the international community condemned Israel for its necessary defensive war, including through the issuance of the notoriously biased Goldstone Report. The Obama administration did the right thing by defending Israel at the United Nations, but both Jerusalem and Washington became precariously isolated in the court of public opinion.

Fast forward to March 2012. Again a massive barrage of rockets was fired from Gaza at Israeli population centers by Islamic Jihad and its terrorist cohorts. But this time, Israel wasn’t defenseless. The development and deployment of three Iron Dome rocket and artillery interceptor batteries — funded in part by the United States — had changed the rules of the game. According to the Israel Defense Forces, Iron Dome intercepted a remarkable 90 percent of incoming rockets aimed at population centers.

This time there was no need for Israel to enter Gaza defensively. There were no Gazan civilian casualties, no international protests, and no isolation for the U.S. and Israel.

Only three Iron Dome batteries are now operational. Israel was lucky this time because it was only attacked on the Gaza front. But Israel is also vulnerable in the north of the country, where just across the border, Hezbollah has its own arsenal of Iranian-provided rockets laying in wait.

A two-front rocket war is a distinct possibility in the future. And the collapse of law and order in the Sinai, from which a rocket was recently fired at Eilat, adds an ominous new threat.

As Michael Oren, Israel’s ambassador to the U.S., has written, “For America, as well as for Israel, an investment in the Iron Dome system is an investment in diplomacy — helping to create the conditions conducive to peace.”
In the U.S. Congress, where bitter partisanship and political brinksmanship has become all too common, funding for Iron Dome enjoys strong support among Democrats and Republicans. Legislation I’ve introduced, the Iron Dome Support Act, is the embodiment of that bipartisanship, backed by congressional members spanning the political spectrum.

This is an important week in Congress, demonstrating that the promises made to Sderot and surrounding communities will be kept. On Wednesday, the House of Representatives will vote on the United States-Israel Enhanced Security Cooperation Act, which includes a strong statement of support for Iron Dome. It should pass overwhelmingly. The same day, the House Armed Services Committee in Congress will further approve $680 million dollars funding for additional Iron Dome batteries to protect the entire Jewish homeland.

Iron Dome is no guarantee that Palestinian extremists won’t pick a fight with Israel. But it makes it much more likely that Israel will only commit its soldiers to combat when it alone chooses.

The Iron Dome system enhances stability in Middle East. That’s why the United States is behind its further development and strongly supports Israeli efforts to build more.

U.S. Rep. Howard L. Berman (D-California) is the top-ranking Democrat on the House Foreign Affairs Committee.