Ahmadinejad 2.0

Israel Hayom | Ahmadinejad 2.0.

Boaz Bismuth

This is Saeed Jalili’s first time running for president of Iran. To better understand the man responsible for his country’s nuclear negotiations with the West, or to be more specific, responsible for advancing Iran’s nuclear program, we need to further examine the political background of his patron, Ali Khamenei.

Khamenei, Iran’s spiritual leader, belongs to the theological school of the most religious city in Iran, Mashhad.

In a paper published by the Washington Institute for Near East Policy titled “Apocalyptic Politics: On the Rationality of Iranian Policy,” Iranian dissident Mehdi Khalaji writes: “In the twentieth century, the Mashhad seminary was the center for arcane sciences and occult groups, and was under the influence of anti-rationalist and anti-philosophy theologians who did not believe in the use of reason in the interpretation of religious texts. In this religious climate, a true worshiper thought that the Shiite Imams, rather than human reason, could solve the world’s problems.

Mehdi continues to explain that “In Khamenei’s background, rational thinking does not occupy a legitimate place, and a ‘superstitious’ version of religion is dominant instead. It is the prevailing view that the Supreme Leader makes decisions based on certain superstitions such as bibliomancy — randomly choosing pages of holy text to decide on what course of action to take — or special prayers to ‘divine men’ who are connected to the Hidden Imam.”

Like Khamenei, Jalili was also born in Mashhad. Like Khamenei, as a youngster he also attended the city’s extremist theological schools.

His life’s path sheds light on why he was chosen: He joined the radical Basij, the civilian arm of the Revolutionary Guards. He volunteered for action several times during the Iran-Iraq war, was wounded and even lost his right leg. The title of his doctoral thesis was “Paradigm of Political Thought of Islam in the Holy Quran.” Since 2007 he has presided over Iran’s nuclear negotiations and answers only to Khamenei. Mahmoud Ahmadinejad is not even in the picture.

In Turkey some two years ago I had the opportunity to see him up close. He was guarded by Ahmadinejad’s presidential security detail — hinting perhaps at Khamenei’s preferred protégé.

If Jalili wins the presidency in June, troublesome winds will continue blowing from the Iranian leadership. We will be getting a newer model of Ahmadinejad, an upgrade in the worst sense of the word. Meanwhile, the regime’s rationality will still be no less a mystery than the 12th Imam.

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